Srivijaya

History See also: History of Srivijaya Formation and growth Siddhayatra The Kedukan Bukit inscription displayed in the National Museum of Indonesia Around 500 AD, the roots of the Srivijayan empire began to develop around present-day Palembang , Sumatra . The Kedukan Bukit inscription (683)—considered to be the oldest inscription related to Srivijaya, [ 1 ] discovered on the banks of the Tatang River near the Karanganyar site , states about the "glorious Srivijaya", [ i ] a kadatuan (kingdom or polity) which was founded by Dapunta Hyang Sri Jayanasa and his retinue. He had embarked on a sacred siddhayatra [ ii ] journey and led 20,000 troops and 312 people in boats with 1,312 foot soldiers from Minanga Tamwan to Jambi and Palembang . Many of these armed forces gathered under Srivijayan rule would have been the sea people, referred to generally as the orang laut . In establishing its power, Srivijaya had first to consolidate its position in Southeast Sumatra, which at that time consisted of multiple quasi-independent polities ruled by local Datus (chieftain). [ 2 ] : 4  Under the leadership of Dapunta Hyang Sri Jayanasa, the Melayu Kingdom became the first kingdom to be integrated into Srivijaya. This possibly occurred in the 680s. Melayu , also known as Jambi , was rich in gold and was held in high esteem at the time. Srivijaya recognised that the submission of Melayu would increase its own prestige. [ 3 ] The empire was organised in three main zones: the estuarine capital region centred on Palembang , the Musi River basin which served as a hinterland, and estuarine areas capable of forming rival power centres. The areas upstream of the Musi River were rich in various commodities valuable to Chinese traders. [ 4 ] The capital was administered directly by the ruler, while the hinterland remained under local datus or tribal chiefs , who were organised into a network of alliances with the Srivijaya maharaja or king. Force was the dominant element in the empire's relations with rival river systems such as the Batang Hari River , centred in Jambi . The Telaga Batu inscription , discovered in Sabokingking, eastern Palembang , is also a siddhayatra inscription, from the 7th century. This inscription was very likely used in a ceremonial sumpah (allegiance ritual). The top of the stone is adorned with seven nāga heads, and on the lower portion there is a water spout to channel liquid that was likely poured over the stone during a ritual. The ritual included a curse upon those who commit treason against Kadatuan Srivijaya. The Talang Tuwo inscription is also a siddhayatra inscription. Discovered in Seguntang Hill , western Palembang , this inscription describes the establishment of the Śrīksetra garden endowed by King Jayanasa of Srivijaya for the well-being of all creatures. [ 5 ] : 82–83  It is likely that the Seguntang Hill site was the location of the Śrīksetra garden. Regional conquests According to the Kota Kapur inscription discovered on Bangka Island , the empire conquered most of southern Sumatra and the neighbouring island of Bangka as far as Palas Pasemah in Lampung . Also, according to the inscriptions, Dapunta Hyang Sri Jayanasa launched a military campaign against Java in the late 7th century, a period which coincided with the decline of Tarumanagara in West Java and the Kalingga in Central Java . The empire thus grew to control trade on the Strait of Malacca , the western side of Java Sea , and possibly the Gulf of Thailand . [ 6 ] : 390–391  Chinese records dating to the late 7th century mention two Sumatran kingdoms and three other kingdoms on Java as being part of Srivijaya. By the end of the 8th century, many western Javanese kingdoms, such as Tarumanagara and Kalingga , were within the Srivijayan sphere of influence. [ citation needed ] Golden age The golden Malayu -Srivijayan Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva in Rataukapastuo, Muarabulian , Jambi , Indonesia The 7th-century Sojomerto inscription mentions that an Old Malay -speaking Shivaist family led by Dapunta Selendra had established themselves in the Batang area of the northern coast of Central Java . He was possibly the progenitor of the Sailendra family. By the early 8th century, an influential Buddhist family related to Srivijaya, the Sailendra family of Javanese ancestry, [ 7 ] dominated Central Java . [ 8 ] Conquest of the Malay Peninsula Main article: Srivijayan conquest of Kedah Malay polities in Sumatra and Malay Peninsula . By the turn of the 8th century the states in Sumatra and Malay Peninsula were under Srivijayan domination. During the 7th century, Langkasuka on the Malay Peninsula became part of Srivijaya. [ 9 ] Soon after this, Pan Pan and Tambralinga , north of Langkasuka, came under Srivijayan influence. These kingdoms on the peninsula were major trading nations that transported goods across the Kra Isthmus . The Ligor inscription in Vat Sema Muang says that Maharaja Dharmasetu of Srivijaya ordered the construction of three sanctuaries dedicated to the Bodhisattvas Padmapani , Vajrapani , and Buddha in the northern Malay Peninsula . [ 10 ] Sailendra dynasty rule Main articles: Sailendra and Mataram Kingdom The Sailendras of Java established a relationship with the Sumatran Srivijayan lineage, and then further established their rule and authority in the Mataram kingdom of Central Java . It is unknown what the exact nature of their relationship was, with Arab sources mentioning that Zabag (Java) ruled over Sribuza (Srivijaya), Kalah (a place in the Malay peninsula, probably Kedah), and Ramni (a place in Sumatra, probably Lambri ). [ 11 ] : 20–23  [ 12 ] : 8–10, 30–31  In Java , Dharanindra 's successor was Samaragrawira (r. 800–819), mentioned in the Nalanda inscription (dated 860) as the father of Balaputradewa , and the son of Śailendravamsatilaka (the jewel of the Śailendra family) with the stylised name Śrīviravairimathana (the slayer of a heroic enemy), which refers to Dharanindra. [ 5 ] : 92  Unlike his predecessor, the expansive and warlike Dharanindra, Samaragrawira seems to have been a pacifist, enjoying the peaceful prosperity of interior Java in the Kedu Plain and being more interested in completing the Borobudur project. It was in these years, at the beginning of the 9th century, that the Khmer prince Jayavarman II was appointed governor of Indrapura in the Mekong Delta under Sailendran rule. This decision was later proven to be a mistake, as Jayavarman II revolted, moved his capital further inland north from Tonle Sap to Mahendraparvata , severing the link to Srivijaya and proclaimed Khmer independent from Java in 802. [ iii ] [ 13 ] Samaragrawira was mentioned as the king of Java that married Tārā, daughter of Dharmasetu . [ 5 ] : 108  He was mentioned by his other name Rakai Warak in the Mantyasih inscription . Earlier historians, such as N. J. Krom and Cœdes, tend to equate Samaragrawira and Samaratungga as the same person. [ 5 ] : 92  However, later historians such as Slamet Muljana equate Samaratungga with Rakai Garung, mentioned in the Mantyasih inscription as the 5th monarch of the Mataram kingdom . This would mean that Samaratungga was the successor of Samaragrawira. Dewi Tara, the daughter of Dharmasetu, married Samaratunga, a member of the Sailendra family who assumed the throne of Srivijaya around 792. [ 14 ] By the 8th century, the Srivijayan court was virtually located in Java , as the Sailendras monarch rose to become the Maharaja of Srivijaya. After Dharmasetu, Samaratungga became the next Maharaja of Srivijaya. He reigned from 792 to 835. Unlike the expansionist Dharmasetu, Samaratungga did not indulge in military expansion but preferred to strengthen the Srivijayan hold on Java . He personally oversaw the construction of the grand monument of Borobudur ; a massive stone mandala , which was completed in 825, during his reign. [ 15 ] According to Cœdès, "In the second half of the ninth century Java and Sumatra were united under the rule of a Sailendra reigning in Java ... its center at Palembang ." [ 5 ] : 92  Samaratungga , like Samaragrawira, seems to have been influenced by peaceful Mahayana Buddhist beliefs and strove to become a peaceful and benevolent ruler. His successor was Princess Pramodhawardhani who was betrothed to Shivaite Rakai Pikatan , son of the influential Rakai Patapan, a landlord in Central Java . The political move that seemed to be an effort to secure peace and Sailendran rule on Java by reconciling the Mahayana Buddhist with Shivaist Hindus . Return to Palembang A guardian ( dvarapala ) statue from Muaro Jambi. Prince Balaputra , however, opposed the rule of Pikatan and Pramodhawardhani in Central Java . The relations between Balaputra and Pramodhawardhani are interpreted differently by some historians. An older theory according to Bosch and De Casparis holds that Balaputra was the son of Samaratungga , which means he was the younger brother of Pramodhawardhani. Later historians such as Muljana, argued that Balaputra was the son of Samaragrawira and the younger brother of Samaratungga , which would make him the uncle of Pramodhawardhani. [ 16 ] It is not known whether Balaputra was expelled from Central Java because of a succession dispute with Pikatan, or already ruled in Sumatra . Either way, it seems that Balaputra eventually ruled the Sumatran branch of Sailendra dynasty and was enthroned in the Srivijayan capital of Palembang . Historians have argued that this was because Balaputra's mother Tara, the queen consort of King Samaragrawira, was the princess of Srivijaya, making Balaputra the heir of the Srivijayan throne. Balaputra the Maharaja of Srivijaya later stated his claim as the rightful heir of the Sailendra dynasty from Java , as proclaimed in the Nalanda inscription dated 860. [ 5 ] : 108  After a trade disruption at Canton between 820 and 850, the ruler of Jambi (Melayu Kingdom) was able to assert enough independence to send missions to China in 853 and 871. [ 17 ] : 95  The Melayu Kingdom 's independence coincided with the troubled times when the Sailendran Balaputradewa was expelled from Java and later seized the throne of Srivijaya. The new maharaja was able to dispatch a tributary mission to China by 902. Two years after that, the weakening Tang dynasty conferred a title on a Srivijayan envoy. In the first half of the 10th century, between the fall of Tang dynasty and the rise of Song , there was brisk trading between the overseas world with the Fujian kingdom of Min and the rich Guangdong kingdom of Nan Han. Srivijaya undoubtedly benefited from this. Sometime around 903, the Muslim writer Ibn Rustah was so impressed with the wealth of the Srivijayan ruler that he declared that one would not hear of a king who was richer, stronger or had more revenue. The main urban centres of Srivijaya were then at Palembang (especially the Karanganyar site near Seguntang Hill area), Muara Jambi and Kedah . War against Java Main article: Mataram–Srivijayan wars Ancient Javanese vessel depicted in Borobudur In the 10th century, the rivalry between Sumatran Srivijaya and the Javanese Mataram kingdom became more intense and hostile. The animosity was probably caused by Srivijaya's effort to reclaim the Sailendra lands in Java or by Mataram's aspiration to challenge Srivijaya domination in the region. In East Java , the Anjukladang inscription dated 937 mentions an infiltration attack from Malayu — which refers to a Srivijayan attack upon the Mataram Kingdom of East Java . The villagers of Anjuk Ladang were awarded for their service and merit in assisting the king's army, under the leadership of Mpu Sindok , in repelling invading Malayu (Sumatra) forces; subsequently, a jayastambha (victory monument) was erected in their honor. In 990, King Dharmawangsa of Java launched a naval invasion against Srivijaya and attempted to capture the capital Palembang . The news of the Javanese invasion of Srivijaya was recorded in Chinese Song period sources. In 988, a Srivijayan envoy was sent to the Chinese court in Guangzhou . After sojourning for about two years in China , the envoy learned that his country had been attacked by Java which made him unable to return home. In 992 an envoy from Java arrived in the Chinese court and explained that their country was involved in continuous war with Srivijaya. In 999 the Srivijayan envoy sailed from China to Champa in an attempt to return home, however, he received no news about the condition of his country. The Srivijayan envoy then sailed back to China and appealed to the Chinese Emperor for the protection of Srivijaya against Javanese invaders. [ 18 ] : 229  Dharmawangsa's invasion led the Maharaja of Srivijaya, Sri Cudamani Warmadewa , to seek protection from China. Warmadewa was known as an able and astute ruler, with shrewd diplomatic skills. In the midst of the crisis brought by the Javanese invasion, he secured Chinese political support by appeasing the Chinese Emperor. In 1003, a Song historical record reported that the envoy of San-fo-qi was dispatched by the king Shi-li-zhu-luo-wu-ni-fo-ma-tiao-hua (Sri Cudamani Warmadewa). The Srivijayan envoy told the Chinese court that in their country a Buddhist temple had been erected to pray for the long life of Chinese Emperor, and asked the emperor to give the name and the bell for this temple which was built in his honor. Rejoiced, the Chinese Emperor named the temple Ch'eng-t'en-wan-shou ('ten thousand years of receiving blessing from heaven, which is China) and a bell was immediately cast and sent to Srivijaya to be installed in the temple. [ 18 ] : 6  In 1006, Srivijaya's alliance proved its resilience by successfully repelling the Javanese invasion. This attack opened the eyes of Srivijayan Maharaja to the threat of the Javanese Mataram Kingdom, so he laid a plan to destroy his Javanese rival. Srivijaya assisted Haji (king) Wurawari of Lwaram to revolt, which led to the attack and destruction of the Mataram palace. This sudden and unexpected attack took place during the wedding ceremony of Dharmawangsa's daughter, which left the court unprepared and shocked. With the death of Dharmawangsa and the fall of the Mataram capital, Srivijaya contributed to the collapse of Mataram kingdom, leaving Eastern Java in further unrest, violence and, ultimately, desolation for several years to come. [ 5 ] : 130, 132, 141, 144  Decline Chola invasion See also: Chola invasion of Srivijaya Candi Gumpung, a Buddhist temple at the Muaro Jambi Temple Compounds of the Melayu Kingdom , later integrated as one of Srivijaya's important urban centre The factors in the decline of Srivijaya were foreign piracy and raids that disrupted trade and security in the region. Rajendra Chola , the Chola king from Tamil Nadu in South India , launched naval raids on ports of Srivijaya in 1025. [ 5 ] : 142–143  His navy sailed swiftly to Sumatra using monsoon winds, made a stealth attack and raided Srivijaya's 14 ports. The strike took Srivijaya by surprise and unprepared; they first ransacked the capital city of Palembang and then swiftly moved on to other ports including Kadaram (modern Kedah). [ 19 ] The Cholas are known to have benefitted from both piracy and foreign trade. At times, the Chola's seafaring led to outright plunder and conquest as far as Southeast Asia. [ 20 ] An inscription of King Rajendra states that he had captured the King of Kadaram, Sangrama Vijayatunggavarman , son of Mara Vijayatunggavarman, and plundered many treasures including the Vidhyadara-torana, the jewelled 'war gate' of Srivijaya adorned with great splendour. According to the 15th-century Malay Annals , Rajendra Chola I after the successful naval raid in 1025 married Onang Kiu, the daughter of Vijayottunggavarman. [ 21 ] [ 22 ] This invasion forced Srivijaya to make peace with the Javanese kingdom of Kahuripan . The peace deal was brokered by the exiled daughter of Vijayottunggavarman, who managed to escape the destruction of Palembang, and came to the court of King Airlangga in East Java . She also became the queen consort of Airlangga named Dharmaprasadottungadevi and, in 1035, Airlangga constructed a Buddhist monastery named Srivijayasrama dedicated to his queen consort. [ 23 ] : 163  The Cholas continued a series of raids and conquests against parts of Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula for the next 20 years. The expedition of Rajendra Chola I had such a lasting impression on the Malay people of the period that his name is even mentioned (as Raja Chulan ) in the Malay Annals . [ 21 ] [ 24 ] [ 25 ] [ 26 ] Even today the Chola rule is remembered in Malaysia as many Malaysian princes have names ending with Cholan or Chulan, such as the Raja of Perak , Raja Chulan . [ 27 ] [ 28 ] [ 29 ] Ruins of the Wat Kaew in Chaiya, dating from Srivijayan times Rajendra Chola's overseas expeditions against Srivijaya were unique in India's history and its otherwise peaceful relations with the states of Southeast Asia. The reasons for the naval expeditions are uncertain as the sources do not state its exact causes. Nilakanta Sastri suggests that the attacks were probably caused by Srivijaya's attempts to throw obstacles in the way of Chola's trade with the East or, more probably, a simple desire on the part of Rajendra Chola to extend his military victories to well known countries to gain prestige. [ 30 ] The new research however, suggests that the attack was a pre-emptive strike with a commercial motive. Rajendra Chola's naval strike was a geostrategic manoeuvre. [ 31 ] The raids gravely weakened the Srivijayan hegemony and enabled the formation of regional kingdoms like Kediri , which were based on intensive agriculture rather than coastal and long-distance trade. With the passing of time, the regional trading centre shifted from the old Srivijayan capital of Palembang to another trade centre on the island of Sumatra, Jambi , which was the centre of Malayu . [ 29 ] Under the Cholas Sanfoqi sent a mission to China in 1028, but this would refer to Malayu-Jambi, not Srivijaya-Palembang. [ 32 ] : 398, 405  No Srivijayan envoys arrived in China between 1028 and 1077. This indicates that the mandala of Srivijaya has faded. It is very possible that Srivijaya collapsed in 1025. [ 33 ] : 110  In the following centuries, Chinese chronicles still mentioned "Sanfoqi", but this term probably refers to the Malayu -Jambi kingdom, evidenced by the Chinese record of Sanfoqi Zhanbei guo (Jambi country of Sanfoqi). The last epigraphic evidence that mentions the word "Sriwijaya" or "Srivijaya" comes from the Tanjore inscription of the Chola kingdom in 1030 or 1031. [ 32 ] : 397, 398, 405  Chola control over Srivijaya lasted for several decades. Chinese chronicles mentioned Sanfoqi Zhu-nian guo which means "Chola country of Sanfoqi", likely refer to Kedah. Sanfoqi Zhu-nian guo sent missions to China in 1077, 1079, 1082, 1088, and 1090. It is possible that the Cholas installed a crown prince in the Tamil-dominated area of the Malacca Strait. [ 32 ] : 398, 399, 405  There is also evidence to suggest that Kulottunga Chola , the maternal grandson of emperor Rajendra Chola I, in his youth (1063) was in Srivijaya, [ 5 ] : 148  restoring order and maintaining Chola influence in that area. Virarajendra Chola states in his inscription, dated in the 7th year of his reign, that he conquered Kadaram (Kedah) and gave it back to its king who came and worshiped his feet. [ 34 ] These expeditions were led by Kulottunga to help the Sailendra king who had sought the help of Virarajendra Chola. [ 35 ] An inscription of Canton mentions Ti-hua-kialo as the ruler of Srivijaya. According to historians, this ruler is the same as the Chola ruler Ti-hua-kialo (identified with Kulottunga) mentioned in the Song annals and who sent an embassy to China. According to Tan Yeok Song, the editor of the Srivijayan inscription of Canton, Kulottunga stayed in Kadaram (Kedah) after the naval expedition of 1067 and reinstalled its king before returning to South India and ascending the throne. [ 36 ] Tamil colonization of the Malacca Strait seems to have lasted for a century. The Cholas left several inscriptions in northern Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. Tamil influence can be found in works of art (sculpture and temple architecture), it indicated government activity rather than commerce. Chola's grip on northern Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula receded in the 12th century — the Tamil poem Kalingatupparani of c.  1120 mentioned Kulottungga's destruction of Kadaram (Kedah). After that, Kedah disappeared from Indian sources. [ 32 ] : 398, 399  Successor state Malayu Dharmasraya See also: Melayu Kingdom and Dharmasraya After the fall of Shailendra dynasty in Sumatra in the 11th century, and a period of Chola involvements in the region, there are no clear records which can explain the period ensuing the fall of Srivijaya. Almost 150 years later, a new dynasty emerged in the region replacing the Sailendras. They were the Mauli dynasty that ruled the Melayu Kingdom in Jambi by the Batang Hari river valley . [ 37 ] This late 12th century Malayu Dharmasraya kingdom can be considered as the successor of Srivijaya. The oldest inscription bearing the name of Maharaja Mauli is the Grahi inscription dated 1183. ^ Sadzali, Asyhadi (30 April 2019). "Hulu ke Hilir: Jaringan dan Sistem Perniagaan Sungai Kerajaan Srivijaya" . Paradigma: Jurnal Kajian Budaya . 9 (1): 61. doi : 10.17510/paradigma.v9i1.276 . ISSN   2503-0868 . ^ Nik Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abd Rahman. "Port and polity of the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra (5th – 14th Centuries A.D.)" (PDF) . International Seminar Harbour Cities Along the Silk Roads . ^ Munoz. Early Kingdoms . p. 124. ^ Munoz. Early Kingdoms . p. 113. ^ a b c d e f g h i Cite error: The named reference Coedes was invoked but never defined (see the help page ). ^ Heng, Derek (October 2013). "State formation and the evolution of naval strategies in the Melaka Straits, c. 500–1500 CE" . Journal of Southeast Asian Studies . 44 (3): 380– 399. doi : 10.1017/S0022463413000362 . S2CID   161550066 . ^ Munoz. Early Kingdoms . p. 132. ^ Munoz. Early Kingdoms . p. 125. ^ Munoz. Early Kingdoms . p. 130. ^ Munoz, Paul Michel (2006). Early Kingdoms of the Indonesian Archipelago and the Malay Peninsula . Singapore: Editions Didier Millet. pp.  130– 131. ISBN   981-4155-67-5 . ^ Cite error: The named reference :7 was invoked but never defined (see the help page ). ^ Cite error: The named reference :13 was invoked but never defined (see the help page ). ^ Griffiths, Arlo (2013). "The Problem of the Ancient Name Java and the Role of Satyavarman in Southeast Asian International Relations around the Turn of the Ninth Century CE" (PDF) . Archipel . 85/1 : 43– 81. doi : 10.3406/arch.2013.4384 . ISSN   0044-8613 . ^ Munoz, Paul Michel (2006). Early Kingdoms of the Indonesian Archipelago and the Malay Peninsula . Singapore: Editions Didier Millet. p. 175. ISBN   981-4155-67-5 . ^ Munoz. Early Kingdoms . p. 143. ^ Muljana, Slamet (2006). Sriwijaya (in Indonesian). Yogyakarta: LKiS. p. 21. ISBN   979-8451-62-7 . {{ cite book }} : CS1 maint: publisher location ( link ) ^ Kurnia, Nia; Irfan, Sholihat (1983). Kerajaan Sriwijaya: pusat pemerintahan dan perkembangannya (in Indonesian). Jakarta: Girimukti Pasaka. ^ a b Hermann Kulke; K Kesavapany; Vijay Sakhuja, eds. (2009). Nagapattinam to Suvarnadwipa: Reflections on the Chola Naval Expeditions to Southeast Asia, Volume 1 of Nalanda-Sriwijaya series . Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN   9789812309372 . ^ "The Chola raid on Srivijaya as a geostrategic manoeuvre" . SEAArch – Southeast Asian Archaeology . 22 December 2020 . Retrieved 29 December 2020 . ^ Craig A. Lockard (27 December 2006). Societies, Networks, and Transitions: A Global History . Cengage Learning. p. 367. ISBN   0618386114 . Retrieved 23 April 2012 . ^ a b Cite error: The named reference Buddhism, Diplomacy p.226 was invoked but never defined (see the help page ). ^ Nagapattinam to Suvarnadwipa: Reflections on the Chola Naval Expeditions to by Hermann Kulke, K Kesavapany, Vijay Sakhuja p.71 ^ Munoz, Paul Michel (2006). Early Kingdoms of the Indonesian Archipelago and the Malay Peninsula . Singapore: Editions Didier Millet. ISBN   981-4155-67-5 . ^ History Without Borders: The Making of an Asian World Region, 1000–1800 by Geoffrey C. Gunn p.43 ^ Singapore and the Silk Road of the Sea, 1300–1800 by John N. Miksic p.147 ^ Nagapattinam to Suvarnadwipa: Reflections on the Chola Naval Expeditions to Southeast Asia by Hermann Kulke, K Kesavapany, Vijay Sakhuja p.71 ^ Aryatarangini, the Saga of the Indo-Aryans, by A. Kalyanaraman p.158 ^ India and Malaya Through the Ages: by S. Durai Raja Singam ^ a b Jean Abshire (21 March 2011). The History of Singapore . ABC-CLIO, 2011. p. 17. ISBN   9780313377433 . Retrieved 25 July 2014 . ^ Cite error: The named reference Kulke was invoked but never defined (see the help page ). ^ Nayar, Mandira (27 December 2020). "Lord of the ocean" . The Week . Retrieved 29 December 2020 . ^ a b c d Miksic, John N.; Goh, Geok Yian (2017). Ancient Southeast Asia . London: Routledge. ^ Miksic, John M. (2013). Singapore and the Silk Road of the Sea, 1300–1800 . NUS Press. ISBN   9789971695583 . ^ Siam Society. The Journal of the Siam Society, Volume 63 . s.n., 1975. p. 252. ^ Hermann Kulke; K Kesavapany; Vijay Sakhuja. Nagapattinam to Suvarnadwipa: Reflections on the Chola Naval Expeditions to Southeast Asia . Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009 – History. p. 305. ^ Hermann Kulke; K Kesavapany; Vijay Sakhuja. Nagapattinam to Suvarnadwipa: Reflections on the Chola Naval Expeditions to Southeast Asia . Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009 – History. pp.  11– 12. ^ Cite error: The named reference Muljana was invoked but never defined (see the help page ). Cite error: There are <ref group=lower-roman> tags or {{efn-lr}} templates on this page, but the references will not show without a {{reflist|group=lower-roman}} template or {{notelist-lr}} template (see the help page ). Read more on Wikipedia →

Government and economy Political administration Telaga Batu inscription adorned with seven nāga heads on top, and a waterspout on the lower part to channel the water probably poured during a ceremonial allegiance ritual The 7th century Telaga Batu inscription , discovered in Sabokingking, Palembang, testifies to the complexity and stratified titles of the Srivijayan state officials. These titles are mentioned: rājaputra (princes, lit: sons of king), kumārāmātya (ministers), bhūpati (regional rulers), senāpati (generals), nāyaka (local community leaders), pratyaya (nobles), hāji pratyaya (lesser kings), dandanayaka (judges), tuhā an vatak (workers inspectors), vuruh (workers), addhyāksi nījavarna (lower supervisors), vāsīkarana (blacksmiths/weapon makers), cātabhata (soldiers), adhikarana (officials), kāyastha (store workers), sthāpaka (artisans), puhāvam (ship captains), vaniyāga (traders), marsī hāji (king's servants), hulun hāji (king's slaves). [ 1 ] During its formation, the empire was organised in three main zones — the estuarine capital region centred on Palembang, the Musi River basin which served as hinterland and source of valuable goods, and rival estuarine areas capable of forming rival power centres. These rival estuarine areas, through raids and conquests, were held under Srivijayan power, such as the Batanghari estuarine ( Malayu in Jambi). Several strategic ports also included places like Bangka Island (Kota Kapur), ports and kingdoms in Java (highly possible Tarumanagara and Kalingga ), Kedah and Chaiya in Malay peninsula, and Lamuri and Pannai in northern Sumatra. There are also reports mentioning the Java-Srivijayan raids on Southern Cambodia (Mekong estuarine) and ports of Champa . After its expansion to the neighbouring states, the Srivijayan empire was formed as a collection of several Kadatuans (local principalities), which swore allegiance to the central ruling powerful Kadatuan ruled by the Srivijayan Maharaja. The political relations and system relating to its realms is described as a mandala model , typical of that of classical Southeast Asian Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms. It could be described as federation of kingdoms or vassalised polity under a centre of domination, namely the central Kadatuan Srivijaya. The polity was defined by its centre rather than its boundaries and it could be composed of numerous other tributary polities without undergoing further administrative integration. [ 2 ] The relations between the central kadatuan and its member (subscribers) kadatuans were dynamic. As such, the status would shift over generations. Minor trading ports throughout the region were controlled by local vassal rulers in place on behalf of the king. They also presided over harvesting resources from their respective regions for export. A portion of their revenue was required to be paid to the king. [ 3 ] They were not allowed to infringe upon international trade relations, but the temptation of keeping more money to themselves eventually led foreign traders and local rulers to conduct illicit trading relations of their own. [ 4 ] Other sources claim that the Champa invasion had weakened the central government significantly, forcing vassals to keep the international trade revenue for themselves. [ 3 ] In addition to coercive methods through raids and conquests and being bound by pasumpahan (oath of allegiance), the royalties of each kadatuan often formed alliances through dynastic marriages. For example, a previously suzerained kadatuan over time might rise in prestige and power, so that eventually its ruler could lay claim to be the maharaja of the central kadatuan. The relationship between Srivijayan in Sumatra (descendants of Dapunta Hyang Sri Jayanasa) and Sailendras in Java exemplified this political dynamic. [ citation needed ] Economy Trade agreements and commerce Expansion of Buddhism starting in the 5th century BC from northern India to the rest of Asia , which followed both inland and maritime trade routes of the Silk Road . Srivijaya once served as a centre of Buddhist learning and expansion. The overland and maritime "Silk Roads" were interlinked and complementary, forming what scholars have called the "great circle of Buddhism". [ 5 ] The main goal of Srivijayan foreign economic relations was to secure a lucrative trade agreement to serve the large Chinese market, that spanned from the Tang dynasty to the Song dynasty . In order to participate in this trade agreement, Srivijaya was involved in a tributary relation with China, in which they sent several envoys and embassies to secure the Chinese court's favour. By 1178, a Srivijayan mission to China highlighted Srivijaya's role as an intermediary to acquire Bornean products, such as plum flower-shaped Borneo camphor planks. [ 6 ] 1 masa, silver coin of Srivijaya, circa 7th – 10th century In the world of commerce, Srivijaya rose rapidly to be a far-flung empire controlling the two passages between India and China, namely the Sunda Strait from Palembang and the Malacca Strait from Kedah. Arab accounts state that the empire of the Srivijayan Maharaja was so vast that the swiftest vessel would not have been able to travel around all its islands in two years. The islands that the accounts referred to produced camphor, aloes, sandal-wood, spices like cloves , nutmegs , cardamom and cubebs , as well as ivory, gold and tin, all of which made the wealth of the Maharaja equal to any king in Medieval India . [ 7 ] Riverine system model Besides interregional trade agreements, the Srivijayan economy is also theorized to have adopted a "riverine system model", where dominance of a river-system and river-mouth centres guaranteed the kingdom's control of the flow of goods from the hinterland region upstream of the river; as well as control on trade within the Straits of Malacca and international trade routes going through the strait. Srivijaya's victory on its dominance of river-mouths centres on the Sumatra, Malaya and western Java coasts ensured Palembang's control over the region. This was accomplished through its system of: 'oath of allegiances' to local elites; its efforts on redistributions of wealth; and alliances made with local datus (chieftains) rather than on direct coercion. [ 8 ] Items of trade and barter system The port of Srivijaya served as an important entrepôt in which valuable commodities from the region and beyond were collected, traded and shipped. Rice , cotton , indigo and silver from Java; aloes , resin , camphor , ivory , rhino horns, tin and gold from Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula; rattan , rare timber , camphor, gems and precious stones from Borneo; exotic birds and rare animals, iron , sappan , sandalwood , and rare spices including clove and nutmeg from the Eastern Indonesian archipelago; various spices of Southeast Asia and India including pepper , cubeb and cinnamon ; also Chinese ceramics , lacquerware , brocade , fabrics, silks, and Chinese artwork were among valuable commodities being traded in Srivijayan ports. What goods were actually native to Srivijaya is currently disputed due to the volume of cargo that regularly passed through the region from India, China, and Arabia. Foreign traders stopped to trade their cargo in Srivijaya with other merchants from Southeast Asia and beyond. It was an easy location for traders from different regions to meet as opposed to visiting each other directly. This system of trade has led researchers to conjecture that the actual native products of Srivijaya were far less than what was originally recorded by Chinese and Arabic traders of the time. It may be that cargo sourced from foreign regions accumulated in Srivijaya. The accumulation of particular foreign goods that were easily accessible and in large supply might have given the impression they were products of Srivijaya. This could also work in the opposite direction with some native Srivijayan goods being mistaken as foreign commodities. [ 9 ] [ 3 ] Ceramics were a major trade commodity between Srivijaya and China with shard artefacts found along the coast of Sumatra and Java. It is assumed that China and Srivijaya may have had an exclusive ceramics trade relationship because particular ceramic shards can only be found at their point of origin, in Guangzhou, or in Indonesia, but nowhere else along the trade route. [ 9 ] There have been some discrepancies with the dating of said artifacts. Ceramic sherds found around the Geding Suro temple complex have been revealed to be much more recent than previously assumed. A statuette found in the same area did align with Srivijayan chronology, but it has been suggested that this is merely a coincidence and the product was actually brought to the region recently. [ 10 ] The currency of the empire was gold and silver coins embossed with the image of the sandalwood flower (of which Srivijaya had a trade monopoly on) and the word "vara," or "glory," in Sanskrit. [ 3 ] [ 11 ] Other items could be used to barter with, such as porcelain, silk, sugar, iron, rice, dried galangal, rhubarb, and camphor. [ 3 ] Some Arabic sources record that the profits acquired from trade ports and levies were converted into gold and hidden by the King in the royal pond. [ 12 ] Trade relations with Arabia Other than fostering lucrative trade relations with India and China, Srivijaya also established commerce links with Arabia . In a highly plausible account, a messenger was sent by Maharaja Sri Indravarman to deliver a letter to Caliph Umar ibn Abd al-Aziz of the Umayyad Caliphate in 718. The messenger later returned to Srivijaya with a Zanji (a black female slave from Zanj ), a gift from the Caliph to the Maharaja. Later, a Chinese chronicle made mention of Sri Indravarman and how the Maharaja of Srivijaya had sent the Chinese Emperor a ts'engchi (Chinese spelling of the Arabic Zanji ) as a gift in 724. [ 13 ] Arab writers of the 9th and 10th century, in their writings, considered the king of Al-Hind (India and to some extent might include Southeast Asia) as one of the four great kings in the world. [ 14 ] [ 15 ] The reference to the kings of Al-Hind might have also included the kings of Southeast Asia; Sumatra, Java, Burma and Cambodia. They are, invariably, depicted by the Arab writers as extremely powerful and being equipped with vast armies of men, horses and having tens of thousands of elephants. [ 14 ] [ 15 ] They were also said to be in possession of vast treasures of gold and silver. [ 14 ] [ 15 ] Trading records from the 9th and 10th centuries mention Srivijaya, but do not expand upon regions further east, indicating that Arabic traders were not engaging with other regions in Southeast Asia, serving as further evidence of Srivijaya's important role as a link between the two regions. [ 9 ] Thalassocratic empire For some periods, Srivijaya controlled the transoceanic trade in its central passage in the Strait of Malacca , as part of the Maritime Silk Road . This has led some historian to argue that the amorphous statehood of Srivijaya, which dominated a confederation of semi autonomous port cities in the Maritime Southeast Asia, was actually a Thalassocracy . [ 16 ] However, the true nature of Srivijaya naval development and maritime hegemony is still a subject of studies and disagreements among historians. Srivijaya benefited from the lucrative maritime trade between China and India as well as trading in products such as Maluku spices within the Malay Archipelago . Serving as Southeast Asia's main entrepôt and gaining trade patronage by the Chinese court, Srivijaya was constantly managing its trade networks and, was always wary of potential rival ports of its neighbouring kingdoms. A majority of the revenue from international trade was used to finance the military which was charged with the responsibility of protecting the ports. Some records even describe the use of iron chains to prevent pirate attacks. [ 3 ] Srivijayan settlers may have colonized some parts of Madagascar. The migration to Madagascar was estimated to have taken place around 830. [ 17 ] 7th to 11th centuries Previously it was assumed that Srivijaya was a maritime power that could not be separated from ethnicity and society in the Malacca Strait. The assumption that occurs is that the formation of a successful state and hegemony in the strait is directly related to the ability to participate in international maritime activities, which means that a shore-based state like this develops and maintains its power with its navy. However, a survey of the available information shows that such an assumption is incorrect. Data on maritime activity are scanty and mentions of their navy occurs only in incomplete sources. Even the material aspects of Southeast Asian navies were not known until the 15th century, scientific attention generally focused on shipbuilding techniques. [ 18 ] In the Kedukan Bukit inscription (683 AD), it is recorded that only 312 people used boats out of a total force of 20,000 people, which also included 1312 land soldiers. The large number of ground troops shows that Srivijaya's navy only acted as a minor provider of logistical support. In the 8th century, Srivijaya's naval capabilities grew to match the proportion of its army strength, although it only played a role as logistical support. [ 19 ] The absence of any terms denoting maritime vessel for general use and military showed that the navy was not a permanent aspect of Srivijaya. Even when neighboring powers in maritime Asia, especially Java during the 10th to 14th centuries, and the Chola Empire in the 11th century, began to develop their navies, Srivijaya's naval power was relatively weak. For example, Songshi and Wenxian Tongkao note that between 990 and 991, a Srivijayan envoy was unable to return from South China to Palembang because of the ongoing military conflict between Java and Srivijaya. However the Javanese, Arabs from the Middle East, and South Asia were able to maintain diplomatic and economic exchanges with China during this time. The Javanese navy was strong enough to seriously disrupt Srivijaya's communications with China. Despite the naval confrontation between Java and Srivijaya, communication between the coastal governments of the Indian Ocean and China continued during this time, suggesting that the conflict did not always occur on the high seas, but was more likely to be confined to the estuaries and rivers around the Srivijayan capital of Palembang, the mouth of the Musi River and the Bangka Straits. [ 20 ] Srivijaya's response to Javanese aggression appeared to be defensive. In his account of Sanfoqi , Zhao Rugua records in Zhufanzhi ( c.  1225 ): In the past, [this state] used an iron chain as a barrier to prepare against other robbing parties (arriving on vessels?). There were opportunities to release (i.e. draw) it by hand. If merchant ships arrive, it has to be released". [ 21 ] [ 22 ] The inability of the Malacca Strait states to respond to maritime threats became very clear in the early 11th century. Between 1017 and 1025, the Chola Empire raided the main Malay ports in the strait and the Gulf of Siam, including Kedah, Malay (Jambi), Lambri, Srivijaya, and Langkasuka, looted the Kedah treasury and captured Srivijayan rulers, a further indication of the incompetence of the Malacca Strait states to defend themselves from naval attacks. [ 20 ] Until the 11th century, at least in terms of their military outlook, the kingdom was arguably land-based. Only with the changing international context from the 11th century onwards, marked initially by the Chola attacks, and then with the increasing presence of Chinese merchants directly operating in Southeast Asian waters, coupled with the emergence of new powers on the seafront, did the role and nature of these navies begin to change. [ 23 ] 12th to 13th centuries After the Chola attack , historians believe that Srivijaya may be no longer the appropriate name for the overlord's centre, and epigraphic references to 'Sriwijaya' also ceased after the attack. However, the Chinese term for Srivijaya, namely Sanfoqi , was still used centuries later, but after 1025 the term Sanfoqi referred to the Malayu Dharmasraya kingdom where the mandala was re-centred. [ 24 ] : 398, 405  The new records appeared in the Lingwai daida (1178 AD), written by Zhou Qufei: This country (Sanfoqi) has no products, but its people are well trained in warfare. When they put medicine on their body, they can't be hurt. In offensive naval warfare, their attacks are unmatched. Therefore, neighboring countries are aligned with it. If foreign ships passing through the vicinity do not call in this state, [vessels] are sent to teach them a lesson and to kill. Therefore, the state is rich, with rhino horn, elephant [tusks] (ivory), pearls, aromatics and medicines. [ 25 ] Similar information about Sanfoqi is also recorded in Zhufanzhi (c. 1225), which records: All are excellent in maritime and land warfare. At any time that a mobilisation order is established, chieftains [are the ones who] command [the troops]. All of them prepare and equip [themselves] with soldiers, equipment, and food. Arriving at the enemy, they dare to die (i.e. are not afraid of dying). [Hence it is regarded as] the elder of the various states (i.e. first amongst equals )... This state is at the middle of the sea, controlling the choke-point through which the various foreign vessels come and go. In the past, [it] used an iron chain as a barrier... This year (i.e. presently), it is not taut (i.e. not extended) and not used, [lying in a] pile in the water... If merchant ships cross [the vicinity] and do not enter [i.e. call at the port], then ships are dispatched to do battle [with them]. They have to die (i.e. the persons onboard the merchant ships have to be killed). Hence, this state (Sanfoqi) is a great shipping centre. [ 26 ] [ 22 ] This information may refer to sea and river warfare in particular given the extensive navigation capabilities of the Musi and Batang Hari rivers where the main centres of the kingdoms around the Malacca Strait (Palembang and Jambi) were located. These records show that both the nature of the navy and the role it played in the survival of the government itself, in the late 12th and 13th centuries, became very different. [ 23 ] At the same time, the 12th century saw the beginning of the decline of the empires around the Malacca Strait and in the eyes of its foreign partners. Kedah fell outside the influence of Sanfoqi during the 11th century. By the early 13th century, Pahang, Kuala Beranang and Kompei had established direct economic links with the Chinese port of Quanzhou . [ 27 ] Jambi became independent from Sanfoqi 's influence in the early 13th century, while Ligor fell under the influence of Tambralingga in the 1230s. [ 28 ] After Singhasari's attack on Malayu in 1275, a large number of Malay port-states emerged in the strait, each seeking to engage directly with foreign traders, with varying degrees of success. Therefore, the development of an increasingly proactive naval strategy was not only a reaction to the changing nature of interactions with major trading partners such as China and India, but also as a result of the polities' declining power. [ 29 ] Ship types Textual record of Srivijayan vessels are very lacking, as Old Malay epigraphical records rarely mentioned watercraft. The Kedukan Bukit inscription (683 AD) mentioned samvau (modern Malay: Sampan ). A ship type called lancang is identified as a Malay type of ship in later records, but during the Srivijaya era, the ship was mentioned in 2 inscriptions on the northern coast of Bali dated 896 and 923. These inscriptions are written in the Old Balinese language, and not in Old Malay. [ 30 ] : 149–150  Srivijayan exploration The core of the Srivijayan realm was concentrated in and around the Malacca and Sunda straits and in Sumatra , the Malay Peninsula and Western Java . However, between the 9th and the 12th centuries, the influence of Srivijaya seems to have extended far beyond this core. Srivijayan navigators may have reached as far as Madagascar . The migration to Madagascar was estimated to have taken place around 830. According to an extensive mitochondrial DNA study, native Malagasy people today can likely trace their heritage back to 30 founding mothers who sailed from Indonesia 1,200 years ago. 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