Emirate of Granada

Since the Muslim conquest of 711, much of the Iberian Peninsula had been under Muslim control. At its greatest geographical extent, Muslim control extended to most of the peninsula and part of present-day southern France. By the 10th century, under the Caliphate of Córdoba, the region was one of the most prosperous and advanced in Europe. Conflict with the northern Christian kingdoms was recurrent, while mounting civil strife led to the fragmentation of al-Andalus into smaller Taifa states in the early 11th century. This marked a precipitous decline in the power of Iberian Muslim polities and facilitated the centuries-long Christian Reconquista and the recurrent conquest of al-Andalus by North African dynasties based in what is now Morocco, commencing with the Almoravids in the late 11th century and followed by the Almohads in the mid 12th century.

The Almohad regime grew more unstable following the defeat of the Almohads at the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212 by a coalition of Christian kingdoms from the north. In 1228, the Almohad caliph Idris al-Ma'mun, wishing to focus on retaining control of the Maghreb (North Africa), decided to abandon al-Andalus. The resultant power vacuum allowed local leaders to carve out their own small states, creating a third period of Taifa kingdoms. Of these leaders, the most powerful was initially Ibn Hud of Murcia (r. 1228–1238), who had rebelled against the last Almohad governors and managed to unite much of what remained of al-Andalus. However, in 1231 Ibn Hud was defeated by the Leónese and lost control of Badajoz and the surrounding area, which compromised his authority and reputation as a reliable defender of al-Andalus.

One of Ibn Hud's foremost military commanders had been a man called Muhammad ibn Yusuf ibn Nasr, commonly known as Ibn al-Ahmar, who was born in Arjona. His position in the army reportedly aroused the envy of others who accused him of planning a coup against Ibn Hud, forcing him to flee to Arjona. Ibn al-Ahmar's origins were likely modest, but he seems to have acquired a reputation for piety and as a successful military leader. With Ibn Hud's position weakened by his defeats, the inhabitants of the Arjona area declared Ibn al-Ahmar as their emir after Friday prayers on 16 July 1232 (26 Ramadan 629 AH).

Ibn al-Ahmar was related to the Nasrids on his father's side and to the Banu Ashqilula on his mother's side. These two families thus formed the initial core of his small army, along with other volunteers and Andalusi soldiers who had previously served the Almohads. Other prominent families, such as the Banu 'l-Mawl of Cordoba and the Banu Sinadid of Jaén, joined them over the next years and thereafter remained attached to the Nasrid court.

With the Reconquista in full swing, the Christian kingdoms of Castile and Aragon – under kings Ferdinand III and James I, respectively – made major conquests across al-Andalus, which the Taifa kingdoms attempted in vain to resist. Ibn al-Ahmar's new status attracted support from many Muslim towns in the region hoping for protection. The Nasrid kingdom thus took shape initially by communities consenting to Ibn al-Ahmar's authority, rather than being submitted by conquest. Jaén, Guadix, and Baeza accepted his authority quickly in 1232, while Almería accepted him 1238 and Malaga did so in 1238 or 1239.

Ibn al-Ahmar had more difficulty being recognized in larger cities, where his rule was seen as too harsh. Cordoba accepted him in 1232 for a few months and Seville accepted him for only a month in 1234. He was temporarily forced to acknowledge the authority of Ibn Hud again in 1234, in return for the latter's recognition of his authority over Arjona and Jaén.

Towards 1236, the Castilian offensive intensified and the strategic situation became increasingly precarious for al-Andalus. On multiple occasions, Ibn al-Ahmar responded by aligning himself with Ferdinand III, even against other Muslim rulers. When Ferdinand conquered Cordoba in 1236, Ibn al-Ahmar was his ally.

In Granada, which was under the authority of Ibn Hud, the local Banu Khalid family led a propaganda campaign on behalf of the Nasrids. A revolt successfully stormed the city's citadel on 17 April 1238 (1 Ramadan 635 AH). Ibn al-Ahmar was then officially declared the new ruler with the help of Abu l-Hasan Ali al-Ru'ayni, a former secretary of Ibn Hud. On hearing of this, Ibn al-Ahmar quickly came to the city. After taking direct control of it, he decided to make it his new capital instead of Jaén, as Granada was a more important city in al-Andalus and its location was more strategic: it was geographically more defensible, farther from the Castilian frontier, and had better access to the sea. Additionally, he chose to move the ruler's residence from the Old Citadel (al-Qasaba al-Qadima) of the Zirids on the Albaicín hill to a new citadel he founded on the Sabika hill to the south. This became the Alhambra (al-Qal'a al-Hamra, the 'Red Citadel').

Despite Ibn al-Ahmar's earlier alliance with Castile, Ferdinand III still attacked and captured Arjona in 1244. In the summer of 1245 he began the siege of Jaén, a more important and well-fortified town. Ibn al-Ahmar initially supported the defenders, but in March 1246 he met with Ferdinand and negotiated a new treaty. In the Treaty of Jaén, referred to in Arabic sources as al-silm al-kabir ('the great peace'), Ibn al-Ahmar agreed to surrender Jaén and to become Ferdinand's vassal, while Castile recognized the existence of the Emirate of Granada as a state and agreed to a twenty-year truce. In 1248, Ibn al-Ahmar actively aided Ferdinand in his successful siege of Seville by sending his own military contingent to assist the Castilians.

The fall of Seville and the long-term truce with Castile effectively established the political map of the region until the 15th century. The peace allowed the Nasrid emirate to consolidate its territory and build up its governing institutions. While Granada's vassalage is emphasized by Christian sources, in practice Ibn al-Ahmar pledged allegiance to different suzerains at different times, depending on what was tactically advantageous. Aside from Ibn Hud in 1234, on subsequent occasions he also declared his allegiance to the Abbasid Caliph in Baghdad (before 1244), to the Almohad caliph Abd al-Wahid II al-Rashid (also before 1244), and to the Hafsids in Tunis (in 1242 and 1264). Arabic sources do not mention his vassalage to Castile. In the long-term, the Treaty of Jaén still formed a basis for Nasrid relations with Castile, but the peace was often interrupted by wars, after which vassalage was often renewed.

The political history of the emirate was turbulent and intertwined with that of its neighbors. The Nasrids sometimes provided refuge or military aid to Castilian kings and noblemen, even against other Muslim states, while in turn the Castilians provided refuge and aid to some Nasrid emirs against other Nasrid rivals. On other occasions the Nasrids attempted to leverage the aid of the North African Marinids to ward off Castile, although Marinid interventions in the peninsula ended after Battle of Rio Salado (1340).

The population of the emirate was swelled by Muslim refugees from the territories newly conquered by Castile and Aragon, resulting in a small yet densely populated territory which was more uniformly Muslim and Arabic-speaking than before. The Alhambra palace complex, which Ibn al-Ahmar founded, was progressively expanded under his successors.

Ibn al-Ahmar reigned with relative peace and stability until 1264, when the Mudéjar revolt took place in Castile, lasting until 1266. Mudéjar is a term used to refer to the Muslims who lived under the rule of the Christian kingdoms at this time, among whom different communities lived under different circumstances. The rebellion of 1264 was wide-ranging but it did not involve the Muslims in the old territories of Castile to the north, who lived in stable communities and were relatively well-integrated into Castilian society. Instead, it involved the Muslim inhabitants of the Guadalquivir valley and of Castilian Andalucia, for whom the Castilian conquests of the 13th century had represented a major and still recent disruption of their communities. Some of these communities, like those of Murcia and Niebla, had been allowed to govern themselves under Castilian overlordship, while others were subjected to forced displacement and lived under harsher conditions. It's unclear whether Ibn al-Ahmar played a role in inciting the rebellion, but he did support it.

The rebellion represents the last serious attempt to reverse the Castilian conquests of the 13th century and break the Christian hold on the southern Iberian Peninsula. The conditions for this must have appeared favourable at the time. Ibn al-Ahmar was enjoying good relations with the Hafsids (based in present-day Tunisia) and the Marinids (based in present-day Morocco), while the king of Castile, Alfonso X, was preoccupied with other matters. Initially, the Marinids even sent a contingent to assist the rebellion, landing at Tarifa. A number of cities fell into Muslim hands, including Jerez, Utrera, Lebrija, Arcos, and Medina Sidonia. Alfonso X also had to contend with revolts by some of the Castilian nobles. However, his forces progressively took back control. In some cases, as in Jerez, this involved a full siege and a fresh campaign of conquest. In the end, the Muslim kingdoms of Granada and North Africa did not provide extensive assistance. By 1265, the Castilians were invading the Vega (valley) of Granada and Ibn al-Ahmar was forced to renegotiate peace. By the time the rebellion was over, the surviving Mudéjar inhabitants of Andalucia were mostly expelled and their towns resettled by Christians from other parts of Castile.

Ibn al-Ahmar's position was further threatened by the rebellion of the Banu Ashqilula in 1266. The latter were probably alienated by his decision to establish a line of succession through his sons Muhammad and Yusuf, which would distance them from the throne. They occupied Malaga and turned to Alfonso X for aid. Granada and Castile became embroiled in conflict and in each other's affairs, with Ibn al-Ahmar also supporting new Castilian rebels in 1272. The situation was not resolved by the time Ibn al-Ahmar died in 1273 and was succeeded by his son, Muhammad II (r. 1273–1302).

During Muhammad II's reign, a long-term pattern of diplomacy and geopolitical competition became evident, with the Nasrids, Castilians, and Marinids each playing with or against each other at various times. Each of these dynasties was also faced by other internal and external enemies. The Nasrids thus sought to forge a path forward by making or breaking alliances according to circumstances. Muhammad II also made major changes to the army of his emirate. In addition to local recruits, he recruited Zenata Berbers from North Africa, who thenceforth composed the most important element of the army and were known as the Ghazis, or Warriors of the Faith. Many were political exiles from the Marinid kingdom, including some from the Marinid family itself, and some were failed rebels against the Marinid sultan Abu Yusuf (r. 1258–1286).

Muhammad II's first preoccupation was the Banu Ashqilula, who retained Malaga and even received some recognition from Alfonso X and from Abu Yusuf. He sought assistance from the Marinid sultan and offered him a base on the Iberian Peninsula. Abu Yusuf, who had recently captured Tangier and Ceuta on the southern side of the Strait of Gibraltar, thus occupied Algeciras and Tarifa in 1275, along with Ronda further inland. While conducting damaging raids into Christian territory, he invited both Muhammad II and the Banu Ashqilula leaders (Abu Muhammad ibn Ashqilula of Malaga and Abu Ishaq of Guadix) to join him. In 1278, the Banu Ashqilula decided to give Malaga to Abu Yusuf, who now occupied this city as well.

Whereas in earlier centuries, particularly under the rule of Umayyad Cordoba, the population of al-Andalus had been a relatively pluralistic mix of Muslims, Christians, and Jews of different ethnic backgrounds, the Emirate of Granada that formed in the 13th century was much more homogenously Muslim. Arabic was by far the dominant language and Romance languages were no longer in significant usage.

The kingdom was densely populated; its population increased in part thanks to the arrival of large numbers of Muslim refugees from the territories newly conquered by the Christian kingdoms to the north. This influx of refugees from the Christian north continued intermittently up to the 15th century. Estimates of the population are only tentative, but the population of the entire emirate may have been around 300,000 and the population of Granada itself around 50,000. Around 1314, Aragonese envoys at the Council of Vienne claimed that the emirate had a population of 200,000, but the basis for this estimate is unknown.

The Muslim population of al-Andalus had diverse origins, including Iberians (known as Muladíes in Spanish or Muwallad in Arabic), North African Berbers, and a smaller component of Arab origin. By the 13th century, however, the established population had largely assimilated to Arab culture and to a common "Andalusi" identity. Ibn al-Khatib, in his writings, emphasised the "Arabness" of the Granadan population particularly in genealogical terms, claiming they were of pure Arab descent while sidelining the presence of non-Arab lineages. He believed that the people of Granada were a distinct people (qawm) united by language, culture, religion, and lineage, which he opposed to the non-Arabs (ajam), meaning the Iberian Christians. The fortress mentality of Granada's Muslims, however, made it difficult for the many Muslims who continued to live under Christian rule in Castile and Aragon – referred to as Mudéjars in Spanish and by modern historians – to maintain strong cultural links with the Arabic culture of Granada. As a result, the Muslims under Christian rule became culturally distinct from those living under Nasrid rule during this period.

While the Berber substratum of the traditional Andalusi population had largely been assimilated by the 13th century, new groups began to arrive from North Africa in the late 13th century that retained a more distinct identity. Most important among these were Zanata families from the Banu Marin (Marinid) tribe, which included those who were recruited to serve the Nasrid army. Most of them immigrated between 1275 and 1350. Given their military role, the Nasrids settled them intentionally in strategic cities such as Algeciras, Gibraltar, Ronda, and Málaga. Some non-Zanata Berber groups are also attested, particularly the Ghumara, after whom the Gomeres district in present-day Granada (on the south slope of the Alhambra hill) is named.

The only non-Muslim population of any significance within the emirate were Jews, who were generally concentrated in certain cities. Among them were long-established families who had lived here for generations as well as recent arrivals from the Christian north. Of the latter, some had fled during the Christian advance in the 13th century, fearing the political change, while others fled later during persecutions under Christian rule, particularly after the pogroms of 1391. The largest community was in Granada, although it is not clearly known in what part of the city they lived. There were other communities throughout the emirate, notably in Guadix and in Málaga. The Jewish population within the emirate has been estimated at around 3000. In 1492, 110 Jewish households were counted in Granada. Jews were prominent in professions such as merchants, interpreters or translators, and as doctors/physicians.

Jews were granted a protected status (dhimmi) that gave them legal rights to their religion and a certain legal autonomy for their community. The community had a leader, known as the Nagīd, who collected taxes and acted as its representative to the Nasrid rulers. Historical sources report that Jews were required to wear an external sign or mark (shārāt) in public that identified them as Jewish. Ibn al-Khatib reports that this rule was introduced during the reign of Isma'il I (r. 1314–1325). Al-Maqqari (d. 1632), citing an earlier source, reports that they were required to wear a yellow cap and a type of sash in the 13th century. More regulations and restrictions appear to have been added over time, though it's likely that they were not consistently enforced in some cases. Muhammad V seems to have been particularly welcoming towards Jews: 300 families returned with him to Granada when he raided Jaén in 1367, while towards the end of his reign many others arrived after the persecutions of 1391 in the Christian north.

The native Mozarabic Christian population of al-Andalus had largely disappeared prior to the Nasrid period due to pressures of assimilation, persecution, and expulsion under Almoravid and Almohad rule. Many had fled north to the Christian kingdoms or were expelled to North Africa where they could not cause trouble. The Christian population within the Nasrid emirate was thus very small and largely transitory, consisting of visitors, merchants, political exiles, and prisoners of war. They did not have the protected status of dhimmi that Jews and the former Mozarabic Christians had, but were instead granted safe conduct (aman) through special and often temporary agreements with varying conditions. Merchants were the most important group, hailing from other parts of the Iberian Peninsula but also, especially, from Italian trading cities such as Genoa. They resided in major cities that gave them access to both the coast and the kingdom's interior, such as Málaga, Granada, and Almería.

Christian prisoners were another major group and their conditions varied depending on their social background: captured nobles and royalty were treated with respect and given comfortable houses to live in, while captured commoners were confined to prisons in the large cities, including the dungeons in the Alhambra. Some of these captives were freed after converting to Islam, often joining the Nasrid army or the sultan's personal guard. Some of them even achieved high positions in the Nasrid court. The mothers of both Yusuf I and Muhammad V had been captured Christian women.

The emirate's economy was mostly agricultural. The rural population of the countryside was organized primarily into traditional alquerías (small farming communities), which were usually occupied by free peasants who owned the land and cultivated it mostly for subsistence. Larger farming estates, which could be owned by Nasrid family members or other members of the ruling class, were typically found on the edge of urban centers. Cultivation was intensive, diversified, and usually required sophisticated irrigation strategies, which in turn required well-organized management at a collective or community level, reflecting already-established traditions in al-Andalus. Dry farming was also known and was more common in the emirate's frontier areas, where animal husbandry was also a common activity. In some coastal areas, agriculture was specialized in a different manner to allow for commercial export, encouraged by the presence of nearby port cities and their merchants.

As the Strait of Gibraltar became more open to commercial ships towards the end of the 13th century, maritime navigation around the Iberian Peninsula became cheaper and faster, accelerating the development of trade networks between the Mediterranean (particularly Italy and the regions of Catalonia and Provence) and northern Europe. Granada benefited from its location near the Strait.

Partly due to the heavy tributary payments to Castile, Granada's economy specialized in the trade of high-value goods. Integrated within the European mercantile network, the ports of the kingdom fostered intense trading relations with the Genoese, but also with the Catalans, and to a lesser extent, with the Venetians, the Florentines, and the Portuguese. Despite its small size, the emirate's superior agricultural technology and favorable climate allowed it to produce and export goods to the rest of Europe that had formerly been accessible only in the eastern Mediterranean, particularly sugar, silk, and dried fruits. Manufactured goods like luxury ceramics were another important export. Granada and its ports were also useful commercial centers from which European merchants could gain access to North African markets.

Italian and other European merchants were quick to exploit these opportunities and established relations with the emirate. Granada's economy was heavily financed by Genoese bankers who also aimed to gain control of the gold trade carried in through the trans-Saharan trade routes. However, after Portugal opened direct trade routes to sub-Saharan Africa by sea in the 15th century, Granada became less important as a regional commercial center.

Despite its frontier position, Granada was also an important Islamic intellectual and cultural center, especially in the time of Muhammad V, with figures such as Ibn Khaldun and Ibn al-Khatib serving in the Nasrid court. Ibn Battuta, a famous traveller and historian, visited the Emirate of Granada in 1350. In his journal, he called Granada the "metropolis of Andalusia and the bride of its cities". The Nasrid sultans and members of the court were active patrons of literature, the arts, or sciences, and in many cases they were writers or scholars themselves.

The most highly valued form of literature among Granada's elites was poetry, which was collected in anthologies and even used as architectural decoration in the Alhambra palaces. Other important forms included mirrors for princes-type works, historical chronicles (akhbār or tā'rīkh), works on Sufism, travel chronicles (riḥla), and works of rhyming prose that narrated stories or anecdotes (maqāmāt). Many of these genres overlapped with each other; for example, historiography could be written in rhymed prose or could include poems.

Abu al-Tayyib al-Rundi (d. 1285–86), whom some contemporaries considered the last great writer of al-Andalus, served under Muhammad I and Muhammad II. He wrote both poetry and prose, including educational treatises intended for the sultan or his family. Ibn al-Khatib was a polymath and poet of the Nasrid court in the 14th century. He authored many works in various fields, and his poetry is carved into the walls of the Alhambra palace. Ibn Zamrak, his successor as vizier, was also one of the major poets of the emirate's history. His poems are likewise found carved in many parts of the Alhambra, including the Court of the Lions.

The architecture of Nasrid Granada embraced extensive surface decoration in wood, stucco, and zillij tiling, as well as making use of elaborate muqarnas sculpting in many buildings. The Nasrids' most famous architectural legacy is the Alhambra, a hilltop palace district protected by heavy fortifications and containing some of the most famous and best-preserved palaces of western Islamic architecture, including what is known today as the Comares Palace and the Court of the Lions. The palace complex was developed throughout the period but some of the most important contributions were generally made during the rule of Yusuf I and Muhammad V during the 14th century.

The summer palace and gardens known as the Generalife were also created nearby. This reflected a tradition of royal countryside estates dating back to the Almoravids and continued under their successors – as exemplified by the older Agdal Gardens of Marrakesh and Buhayra Gardens of Seville, both from the Almohad era.

Other notable buildings and structures from this era are the Madrasa al-Yusufiyya (now known as the Palacio de la Madraza), the Funduq al-Jadida (now known as the Corral del Carbón), parts of Granada's city walls, the Alcázar Genil, and the Cuarto Real de Santo Domingo in Granada, in addition to various other fortifications and smaller monuments across the former emirate's territory.

Gharnati music (الطرب الغرناطي) is a variety of Andalusi music that originated in Granada and moved to North Africa where it survived to this day.

Due to the migrations (both forced or voluntary) of people across the region, Granada was able to attract scholars of various sciences. Mathematics, astronomy, agronomy, and botany were among the subjects studied by some individuals, but the most prominent scientific field in Granada was medicine.

Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad al-Riquṭi al-Mursi, a scholar from Murcia, was invited to Granada by Muhammad II after Murcia was conquered by Alfonso X in the 1260s. He was installed in the countryside outside the city, where he founded a school that taught mainly medicine and, to a lesser extent, other disciplines. It did so independently from the teaching that occurred in mosques. Although the school did not last throughout the Nasrid period, it was an important instrument in training other disciples and helped to attract other intellectuals to the emirate.

In 1349, Yusuf I founded Granada's first madrasa, a type of institution that was already present in North Africa and the rest of the Muslim world. The Madrasa al-Yusufiyya, named after him, taught traditional disciplines such as Islamic law and Arabic grammar, but it also taught medicine, like al-Riquti's school. It attained significant prestige and attracted students from both al-Andalus and North Africa.

Constantly under threat by both the Christian kingdoms to the north and the Muslim Marinid Sultanate to the south, the population of the Emirate of Granada developed a "siege mentality". The country consequently maintained a strong military. Its border territories were dotted with castles maintained by frontier warriors (thagri) led by armoured elite warriors who were influenced by and comparable to the Christian knights. However, the core of the emirate's army consisted of highly mobile light cavalry as well as light infantry.

The Granadan army was ethnically and culturally mixed. A large part were recruited locally through the jund system in which families with military obligations were registered and conscripted for service. In addition, the Granadan rulers encouraged North African warriors to migrate to the country and serve as ghazi. These immigrants were mostly Zenata (or Zanata) Berbers and eventually organized as Volunteers of the Faith, a factually autonomous and very powerful unit within the Granadan military. The Zenata served as light cavalry, which gave rise to the Spanish term jinete (derived from the name 'Zenata'), which denoted this type of light cavalry. They formed the backbone of the Granadan army, serving both in crucial battles as well as in regular raids inside Christian territory. They were highly mobile on the field, armed with lances, javelins, and small round shields known for their flexibility, and used their own characteristic set of tactics. They sometimes also served as auxiliaries in Castilian armies, sent by the Nasrid emirs of Granada to aid their allies. They were recruited and led by exiled members of the Marinid family and settled within the kingdom of Granada. Their Marinid commander was known as the shaykh al-ghuzāt ('chief of the ghazis'), but in 1374 Muhammad V suppressed this office due to their political interference, after which they were commanded by a Nasrid or Andalusi general.

Muhammad V reduced the status of the Volunteers and reformed the military, strengthening instead the Andalusian components of the Granadan military. The smallest part of the regular Granadan military were Christians and ex-Christians who had been hired by the emirs or defected to them. These were often Spanish knights and termed Mamluks; these warriors were organized as elite bodyguards by some emirs. To augment their army, the Granadans also hired foreign mercenaries.

In regard to its organization, the Granadan military was formally headed by the emir and divided into several units. The frontier areas were possibly commanded by rais, while each important frontier garrison was led by a shaykh khassa. The army was divided into major divisions, each led by a wali, under whom military emirs served as leaders for 5,000 troops, followed by qaid leading 1,000, naqib leading 200, and finally nazir leading eight. The Volunteers of the Faith were initially commanded by the shaykh al-ghuzat. In addition, there existed a Gendarmerie-like shurta in Granada city, commanded by the sahib al-shurta. The Granadan army was usually accompanied by a corps of guides (dalil), religious figures who tended to morale, armourers, medics, and some poets as well as orators.