Grand Principality of Moscow

The English names Moscow and Muscovy, for the city, the principality, and the river, are derived from post-classical Latin Moscovia, Muscovia, and ultimately from the Old Russian fully vocalized accusative form Московь, Moskov'. Moscow is first mentioned under the year 1147 in the locative case (na Moskvě). The modern Russian form, Moskva, first appears in the 14th century.

The oldest endonyms used in documents were Rus (Russian: Русь) and Russkaya zemlya (Russian: Русская земля, lit. 'Russian land'). The 14th-century Zadonshchina, which belongs to the Kulikovo cycle of works, stresses the unity of the Russian princes and describes the principalities of Moscow, Novgorod, and others as being part of the "Russian land". A new form of the name became common by the 15th century; the vernacular Rus was transformed into Ros(s)iya or Rus(s)iya, and borrowed from Greek: Ρωσία, romanized: Rosía, or Latin: Russia. Following the fall of the Byzantine Empire in 1453, the name Rosiya (Росия), derived from the Byzantine term and initially used in ecclesiastical circles, began appearing in the official titles of secular rulers. In the 1480s, the scribes Ivan Cherny and Mikhail Medovartsev referred to Russia as Rosia (Росиа). Medovartsev also mentioned the scepter "of Russian lordship" (Росийскаго господства, Rosiyskago gospodstva).

The title of knyaz (prince) was originally used in Kievan Rus', and as other principalities emerged, the senior ruler later became known as the veliky knyaz (grand prince). In the 14th century, the grand princes of Moscow began to style themselves as the rulers of all Russia. The title of grand prince also grew from grew from little more than a literary embellishment to one with clear legal overtones, especially as the ruler of Moscow pursued a policy of centralization. During his consolidation of territories, Ivan III adopted the title of sovereign (gosudar) of all Russia. After rejecting Mongol suzerainty, he also styled himself as autocrat (samoderzhets). In his foreign correspondence, he adopted the title of tsar and rejected the offer of kingship by the Holy Roman Emperor; however, it would not be until 1547 that the title of tsar became official with the coronation of his grandson, Ivan IV. Ivan III also laid claim to the legacy of Kievan Rus', which led to conflicts with the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. From the 16th century, the Russian state was also known in Western Europe as Muscovy as a result of Polish–Lithuanian influence; the use of both names persisted until the early 18th century.

Other formal names used in historiography for the grand principality following its merger with Vladimir include the Grand Principality of All Russia, the Grand Principality of Great Russia, the Grand Principality of Moscow, Vladimir and All Rus, and the Grand Principality of Vladimir-Moscow or the Grand Principality of Moscow-Vladimir.

Moscow is first mentioned in chronicles under the year 1147, as part of the principality of Rostov-Suzdal. The importance of Moscow greatly increased during the second half of the 12th century, and it was converted into a fortified gorod (stronghold) in the 1150s. On the death of Vsevolod III in 1212, Moscow appears to have been passed to his son Yury, who succeeded his father as the grand prince of Vladimir. During the Mongol invasions of 1237–1238, Moscow was sacked following the destruction of Ryazan. The city is not mentioned again until the late 13th century.

The first prince of Moscow was Daniel (r. 1263–1303), the youngest son of Aleksandr Nevsky, and he was given Moscow as an otchina, where he established a local branch of Rurikid princes. Until 1271, the principality was ruled by the governors of Daniel's uncle Yaroslav. Daniel himself is first mentioned under the year 1282 as taking part in a feudal war between his two older brothers. The 16th-century Book of Royal Degrees says that Daniel was given Moscow on his father's death in 1263. The size of the original territory of the Moscow principality is not known, but it likely encompassed the basin of the upper Moskva River, stretching approximately between the eastern influx of the Gzhelka and the western influx of the Ruza. The northeast of the territory consisted of the basin of the upper Klyazma.

By the turn of the century, Moscow was one of the leading principalities within the Grand Principality of Vladimir. However, relations between the Russian princes remained tense after Andrey of Gorodets became the grand prince in 1293. As a result, Toqta, the khan of the Golden Horde, convened a congress of the princes in Pereyaslavl in 1297, at which the traditional succession principle of lestvitsa was reaffirmed. Daniel defeated Ryazan in 1301, after which Kolomna and Serpukhov were incorporated into the Moscow principality. Pereyaslavl was also temporarily annexed to Moscow, and after Daniel's death, his sons seized Mozhaysk in 1304. At this point, the territory of the principality had increased almost three-fold and included the entire Moskva River along with its tributaries, allowing Moscow to become self-sufficient. Its southern border included a large stretch of the Oka, from Serpukhov to the east of Kolomna, which gave it some protection from Tatar incursions. To the east, there was a dense forest zone which functioned as a natural barrier. Moscow also had access to the northern areas of Ryazan and direct access to Vladimir. It was also provided with an extensive river network that facilitated trade.

Yury (r. 1303–1325) began his reign with a struggle against Tver for succession to the grand principality. According to traditional succession practices, the throne was to be passed to Andrey's eldest cousin, Mikhail of Tver. As Daniel had died before he could become grand prince, his descendants were barred from the title. Yury decided to contest Mikhail's claim to the title, but ultimately the decision went to Toqta, who held suzerainty over the principalities and later confirmed Mikhail as the grand prince in 1305. In 1306, Yury established his authority over Ryazan with support from the khan as part of the Tatars' strategy to adjust the balance of power in the conflict between Moscow and Tver. Mikhail of Tver attempted to consolidate his power, and was confirmed as the prince of Novgorod in 1307, but Yury retained control of Pereyaslavl and was able to gain control of Nizhny Novgorod. Mikhail marched against Moscow in 1308, but the Muscovites were able to stand their ground. Mikhail also failed to win the support of the Russian Church, and when he launched an expedition to Nizhny Novgorod, his army was stopped by Metropolitan Peter in Vladimir.

After Toqta died in 1312, Mikhail visited Sarai to renew his patent and pay respects to the new khan, Özbeg, staying there for two years. In his absence, the Novgorodians launched a revolt against Mikhail's governors and sent an appeal to Yury, who was confirmed as their prince in 1315. However, Mikhail was able to convince the khan to summon Yury and remove him from the political scene. Mikhail was able to establish his authority in Novgorod once again, but in 1317, Yury returned with a patent for the grand princely title, a Tatar army, and a Tatar wife, who was the sister of the khan. Kavgady, the chief representative of the khan, sent his ambassadors to Tver to scare Mikhail into submission, but Mikhail's army proceeded to defeat Yury's army in December 1317. In early 1318, the two parties met on the Volga for another battle, but they reached an agreement. Kavgady and Yury laid their accusations against Mikhail and a formal trial took place at the end of the year. Mikhail was executed at the Horde and Yury was made the grand prince.

Little is known about Yury's reign as grand prince, but relations between Moscow and Tver soon improved and a treaty was concluded in 1319 between Yury and Dmitry of Tver. However, in 1321, a representative of the khan instructed Yury to march on Tver. The two forces met on the Volga and a battle was narrowly avoided. In the treaty, Dmitry agreed to refrain from making himself the grand prince and he paid the tribute owed to the Tatars. Yury was then summoned to Novgorod, and instead of proceeding to Sarai with the tribute, he led the defense of the republic against Swedish forces. As a result, Dmitry went to Sarai and received the patent for the grand princely title in 1322. Yury was then summoned by Özbeg, and on his way to Sarai, Dmitry's brother Aleksandr robbed him in the Rzhev area and forced him to flee to Pskov. Yury finally visited Sarai in 1325 to face the consequences, but Dmitry of Tver murdered him as revenge for the death of his father. The following year, the khan ordered his execution.

Ivan I (r. 1325–1340) became prince following the murder of Yury, while the title of grand prince went to Aleksandr of Tver. After the residents of Tver launched a revolt against Tatar rule in 1327, Özbeg Khan dispatched a punitive force led by Ivan and Aleksandr of Suzdal, causing Aleksandr of Tver to flee to Lithuania. Afterwards, Ivan presented himself before Özbeg and was given the title of grand prince. Özbeg divided the principalities of Vladimir and Novgorod between Aleksandr of Suzdal and Ivan, and upon Aleksandr's death in 1331, Ivan became the sole grand prince. Aleksandr of Tver eventually returned to Tver and was given a full pardon and reinstated as prince by the khan. However, Aleksandr was soon recalled to Sarai in 1339, where he was executed due to accusations made against him. The death of Aleksandr marked the end of the struggle between Moscow and Tver, and Ivan's nephew-in-law, Konstantin, continued to rule Tver as a loyal servant.

To secure his position, Ivan began absorbing surrounding principalities. In particular, Ivan was credited by his grandson Dmitry Donskoy in his will with purchasing the principalities of Beloozero, Galich and Uglich. Ivan also developed Moscow to attract people and produce the resources needed to maintain his position, a policy reflected in his sobriquet, Kalita (lit. 'moneybag'). As grand prince, Ivan collected tribute from not only his own possessions but also from other Russian princes that were dependent on him. The khan at the start of Ivan's reign was content with allowing the Muscovite prince to enjoy undisputed supremacy. As a result, Ivan was able to use the funds he acquired to develop Moscow. He also had access to Novgorod's wealth, which helped him to pay the tribute; however, relations with Novgorod worsened following the election of a new archbishop in 1330, which paved the way for a pro-Lithuanian faction in the city.

At the beginning of Ivan's reign, the Russian metropolitan, Peter, moved his residence to Moscow in 1325. This was crucial for Moscow's rise as the Russian Orthodox Church helped inspire unity among the divided Russian principalities. During Peter's tenure in Moscow, Ivan laid the foundation for the Dormition Cathedral, which was built using stone. Peter had intended to make Moscow his burial place, and therefore the religious center of the country, and he died in 1326. Peter was succeeded by Theognostus, who, like his predecessor, pursued policies that supported the rise of Moscow. During the first four years of his tenure, the Dormition Cathedral was completed and an additional four stone churches were constructed. Theognostus also proceeded with the canonization of Peter in 1339, which helped to increase Moscow's prestige. The princes of Moscow functioned as the primary protectors of the Russian Church and Moscow became a pilgrimage center. Ivan even acquired an aura of sanctity in the eyes of future generations.

Simeon (r. 1340–1353) succeeded his father as prince upon the latter's death. Although Simeon had to contend with three rival princes for the grand princely title, Özbeg had approved his father's will in 1339, indicating that he supported Simeon's succession to the grand princely throne. Simeon received the patent a few months later. As a result, the princes of Moscow continued to hold the title almost uninterruptedly. At the start of Simeon's reign, the principality of Bryansk returned to Moscow's sphere of influence after the pro-Muscovite Dmitry Romanovich was once again installed as prince. As a demonstration of his political sympathies, Dmitry had his daughter married to Simeon's younger brother Ivan. In 1352, Simeon marched into the neighboring principality of Smolensk, located to the west of Moscow, and was able to extend his authority there with the removal of the pro-Lithuanian prince, who was likely replaced with either Dmitry Romanovich's son or nephew. As a result, Simeon was able to temporarily halt the eastward expansion of Lithuania. He was also able to sign a treaty with Novgorod, in which the city recognized Simeon as its prince and agreed to grant him additional tax revenues.

Although the khan, Jani Beg, was prepared to support Simeon in his conflict with Lithuania, he was unwilling to provide unlimited support to Moscow, for fear that it would become too strong. He permitted the grand prince to enjoy the traditional rights of the throne and to maintain his nominal authority over other princes, but he interfered in Moscow's relations with Suzdal, supported anti-Muscovite elements in Ryazan, and contributed to Tver's fragmentation. When Jani Beg first occupied the throne, Simeon's cousin Konstantin of Suzdal took advantage of the power struggle in Sarai and gained control of Nizhny Novgorod and Gorodets. Simeon attempted to dislodge his cousin, and in 1343, he convinced the boyars of Nizhny Novgorod and Gorodets to switch allegiance, but Jani Beg returned the boyars to Konstantin and confirmed him as prince.

In 1352–1353, the Black Death reached Russia, which killed Simeon, his brother Andrey, along with his sons. In addition, the plague killed Metropolitan Theognostus. The ruling family of Moscow remained small as a result of the Black Death, and a new vertical pattern of princely succession from father to son was defined. The plague also killed perhaps a quarter of the entire Russian population, which in turn led to labor shortages and a reduction in the amount of tribute that could be collected. At the same time, the Golden Horde experienced an economic downfall that would contribute to its disintegration.

Ivan II (r. 1353–1359) went to Sarai following the death of his older brother, where he presented himself to the khan as a candidate for the patent for the grand princely title. His main opponent was Konstantin of Nizhny Novgorod-Suzdal, who had greater support than the rival princes before him. Novgorod sent a delegation to the khan requesting him to give the patent to Konstantin, due to Ivan's previous refusal to aid the Novgorodian army in besieging the Swedish-held fortress of Orekhov in 1348.

The unification of Russia gave rise to a new political system characterized by the dominance of the grand prince, who viewed the country as his personal patrimony. The historian Sergey Platonov wrote: "The authority of the Moscow princes took on the character of the authority of a lord of the manor over its land and people... The prince was not only the ruler of the country; he was also its owner". During the appanage period, princes and their retinues played a major administrative and social role in their principalities; however, with the rise of the grand principality of Moscow, the role of those princes were subordinated to the grand prince and the emerging state apparatus. Traditional institutions like the veche were abolished, and appanage princes were incorporated into the boyar class. As a result, they became increasingly part of the service class. Some historians have argued that a ruling class, which included the grand prince and leading boyars, governed the country by consultation and consensus-building. Nancy Shields Kollmann in particular called it the "façade of autocracy" and applied the term to later Muscovite history.

The boyar duma functioned as a body that consisted of the grand prince's chief advisors, diplomats, and administrators. The grand prince, at his discretion, solicited the opinion of the duma, or consulted with a group of advisors known as the blizhnaya duma ('close duma'). Unlike the regular duma, membership in the blizhnaya duma was not a matter of prestige. The boyar duma ultimately was dependent on the grand prince. The Sudebnik of 1497, officially the work of the grand prince, introduced uniform law and had the purpose of eliminating regional differences. The fiscal and legal base became more dependent on the monarch.

The absorption of large amounts of territory led both Ivan III (r. 1462–1505) and Vasily III (r. 1505–1533) to strengthen the system of administration. Previously, the household of the grand prince managed what would be considered the affairs of the state, as well as the private and family business of the grand prince. To meet increasing demands, a small bureaucracy was established with state secretaries known as dyaki. The process of separating state affairs was slow, with most of the dyaki under Vasily III working in the management of the royal estates. The dyaki were also chosen based on skill; the historian Aleksandr Zimin identified more than 200 during the reigns of Ivan III and Vasily III. While provincial administrations managed their limited resources efficiently, domestic tariffs divided regions and local tradition was strong in many areas. For example, some continued to use their own systems for measuring land. The city of Novgorod also maintained its own distinct currency, while local political life continued the traditions of the republic in many ways.

Like previous rulers, both Ivan III and Vasily III chose nobles from their court to serve as governors in other towns or regions. These namestniki and volosteli had to maintain order and were tasked with organizing the defense of the territory. Ivan III and Vasily III often chose courtiers to serve as governors, but in times of civil strife, they sometimes sent a member of their inner circle to serve as governor, especially if the town or region was of strategic importance. Governors usually served for a maximum of one or two years before returning to Moscow. As the state's needs grew more complex, the office of gorodovoy prikazchik was established during the reign of Vasily III to handle some of the functions of the governor, such as tax collection and maintaining order. As the central government's authority was filtered through other institutions and jurisdictions, the royal administration had only limited control over large regions. Ivan IV tried different methods to increase his effective control over all regions, but it was not until the 17th century that this was resolved.

The taxation system encompassed levies on land ownership and personal property, industrial and commercial production, service obligations, and judicial fees. Landowners were required to pay a tribute (dan), a "recension squirrel" (pischaya belka), and sometimes an additional "supplement" (primet). In urban areas, the dan was levied on taxable households. Other taxes included levies on specific goods, such as saddles (sedelnoye delo) and clothes (portnoye). Marriage was also taxed. Although most peasants remained free until the 16th century, those who married outside their community had to pay a "tax of foreign marriage" (vyvodnaya kunitsa), while those marrying within paid a "marriage tax" (ubrusnoye). The two primary commercial duties were forms of tolls: the myt, which dates to the Kievan period, and the tamga, a customs duty introduced under Mongol rule. The wealthiest merchants paid the tamga individually, while other merchants were assessed collectively through trade associations. Commoners were obligated to assist with the transport of goods (povozy) by providing horses and carts. They were also required to contribute directly to the postal service (yam) or to pay a special tax known as "postal money" (yamskiye dengi). War messengers held the right to food (kormy emliti), lodging (nochevati), and guides (prododniki) while traveling. In addition, the prince could send his fishing and game supervisors (lovchiye), falconers (sokolnichiye), and equerries (koniukhi) to oversee hunting grounds, rivers and lakes, with the right to enlist the local population.

In legal documents, there was no formal distinction between state property and the personal holdings and revenues of the prince. A privileged domain was called "whitened" (obelyonny) and exempt from regular taxation, while the "black lands" (chyornyye zemli) remained subject to standard fiscal obligations. A grant of privilege was issued in the form of a charter (zhalovannaya gramota), which could give either temporary (lgotnaya) or complete (tarkhannaya) fiscal exemption, and often also included judicial immunity (nesudimaya). These charters often contained special clauses maintaining the dues of the Russian Church. In the last quarter of the 15th century, Muscovite administrators began compiling detailed registers of landed property known as pistsovye knigi with information on the cadastre, population density, and weight of taxation. Land was measured not only by its size but also its quality. The privileges given to monasteries were greatly reduced under Ivan III, while under Vasily III, some of them received new lands and recovered certain privileges.

Ivan I (r. 1325–1340) stressed the unity of the ruling house of Moscow and its lands, and as a result, he ensured that the family's lands remained the collective property of all members while giving each one of his heirs a share of the inheritance. Simeon (r. 1340–1353) made a treaty with his brothers, in which the younger members of the house recognized Simeon as their leader and were obligated to follow him in his military campaigns in exchange for Simeon consulting his brothers on important state affairs. As a result, each brother had inviolable possession of his appanage, which he could administer autonomously and pass on to his direct heir.

Due to the increasing fragmentation of Moscow, the ruling house under Dmitry Donskoy (r. 1359–1389) distinguished between patrimonial possessions of the entire family, which could be divided into appanages held as a temporary trust, and patrimonial possessions known as votchiny that belonged to individual members or branches. In the treaties between Dmitry and his cousin Vladimir of Serpukhov, the former recognized the latter's right to hold the lands inherited from his father. At this point, the Moscow principality consisted of two autonomous subdivisions with two capitals, while the principality remained a single unit of which Dmitry was the head.

In Vasily II's final years (r. 1425–1462), only the appanage principality of Vereya remained. In his will, Vasily II created four more appanages for his younger sons. Ivan III (r. 1462–1505) sought to consolidate the lands of his younger brothers into his domain whenever possible. He insisted that any appanage prince who died would have his appanage reverted to the crown in its entirety. In Ivan III's final years, only one of the original five appanage principalities remained. In his will, he created four new appanages for all of his younger sons, and as a result, his eldest son Vasily III (r. 1505–1533) faced five appanage princes, one of whom was his cousin, given Volok Lamsky. Vasily III prevented his younger brothers from marrying until he had sons of his own, and so by the time of his death, only one appanage principality remained.

In the 16th century, appanage princes held significant power over their subjects, including the right to collect taxes and administer low justice. They also inherited a tradition of family solidarity, meaning the grand prince was expected to consult them on matters of war and peace. When an appanage prince died, the survivors were typically entitled to inherit a share of the deceased's lands. Although some historians have viewed them as opponents to the power of the grand prince, the appanages were created by him, and by the late 15th century, many of these appanage principalities reverted to the crown upon the prince's death, despite being theoretically held in hereditary tenure. Appanage princes also had their own courts and commanded their own armies, and as such, were expected to contribute to the defense of the country. However, the court and the army of the grand prince was significantly larger.

The Mongols introduced a strict system of taxation. Following the Mongol conquest, the khan of the Golden Horde regularly sent tax collectors known as darughachi. The Russian Church was granted a full exemption in 1267 as part of the Mongol policy of religious tolerance. Mengu-Timur also determined that Russian peasants would obey the nobles and religious leaders, and thus he used the tarkhan system to co-opt the nobility and win their support. These grants were translated from Mongol to Old Russian from the late 14th or early 15th century. By the late 13th or early 14th century, collection of the tribute was delegated to the princes themselves under the supervision of the grand prince of Vladimir, a title that was obtained by Ivan I and kept by his successors.

Relations between Moscow and the Golden Horde varied at times. In the last two decades of the 13th century, Moscow gained the support of one of the rivaling Mongol statesmen, Nogai, against the principalities that were oriented towards the khan. After the restoration of unity in the Golden Horde in the early 14th century, Moscow generally enjoyed the favor of the khan until 1317 and 1322–1327. For the following three decades, when relations between the two parties improved, Moscow was able to achieve sufficient economic and political potential. Further attempts to deprive its rulers of the status of grand prince were unsuccessful after the Horde sank into internecine war and proved to be fruitless during the reign of a relatively powerful khan such as Mamai, whereas Tokhtamysh had no other choice but to recognize the supremacy of Moscow over the Russian principalities. The traditional divide and conquer strategy of the Mongols failed, and the following period is characterized by a lack of support from the Horde.

Although Moscow recognized the khan as its suzerain in the early years of the "Tatar yoke", despite certain acts of resistance and disobedience, it refused to acknowledge the khan's suzerainty in 1374–1380, 1396–1411, 1414–1416 and 1417–1419, even despite the growing power of the Golden Horde. The power of the Horde over Moscow was greatly limited during the reign of Dmitry Donskoy, who gained recognition of the grand principality of Vladimir as a hereditary possession of the princes of Moscow; while the Horde continued to collect tribute, it could no longer have a serious impact on the internal structure of Russia. During the reigns of Vasily II and Ivan III, the Moscow grand principality adopted the ideology of an Orthodox tsardom after the fall of Constantinople, which was incompatible with the recognition of suzerainty of the khan, and as a result, the grand prince began to declare the independence of Moscow in diplomatic relations with other countries. This process was complete during the reign of Ivan III.

In the centuries following the Mongol conquest, there was a revival and flourishing of monasticism, which became the most significant development in the life of the Russian Church. Between the 14th and 16th centuries, monasticism spread in an unprecedented manner. One estimate suggests around 250 cenobitic monasteries and convents were founded during this period, many in remote corners of the Muscovite realm. Sergius of Radonezh was both the driving force and the embodiment of the monastic revival. Around 1354, he adopted a monastic rule that turned his followers into a fully communal, cenobitic organization, later known as the Trinity Lavra of St. Sergius. The teachings of Sergius inspired many of his followers to found their own communities. The Andronikov, Simonov and Chudov Monasteries were founded in Moscow and its environs, while others were founded in remote areas of the Russian North, such as the Kirillo-Belozersky Monastery near Beloozero and the Solovetsky Monastery on the island of Solovetsky in the White Sea.

This monastic revival inspired the church to renew its missionary work and continue converting all peoples, whether Slavic or not, to Orthodox Christianity. Towards the end of the 14th century, Stephen of Perm moved into the territory of the Komi peoples in the northeastern corner of European Russia, where his teachings and acts of charity won him many converts. He invented the Permic script and began translating scriptures and other writings; his efforts have helped the Komi remain Orthodox to this day. Following the death of Sergius, the Trinity Lavra acquired huge estates and became extremely influential. By the end of the 16th century, it owned a total of 240,000 hectares (590,000 acres) of arable land. The Muscovite government gradually transformed the monasteries into fortresses. Even those far from the frontiers were heavily fortified, such as the Trinity Lavra, as they were intended to serve as places of refuge and military garrisons. The monastic communities came to socially dominate entire regions of the country, with only larger towns rivaling them as centers of social activity.

Although Russian heretics were few in number, their intelligence made them disproportionately influential. At the time of Moscow's annexation of Novgorod, a new movement emerged and was given the pejorative label of Judaizers. According to Joseph Volotsky, in 1471, a Jew arrived in Novgorod and began converting some of the locals to Judaism. Most modern scholars have rejected this version of events, but it is known that there was a struggle between Archbishop Gennady of Novgorod and some of the local priests and their followers. This heresy later spread to the court of Ivan III (r. 1462–1505) in the mid-1480s after diplomat Fyodor Kuritsyn returned from Hungary. Like the strigolniki before them, the Judaizers rejected the authority of the hierarchy and embraced iconoclasm. Ivan refused to crush them until 1504, when a church council condemned the remaining Judaizers as heretics and Ivan sent them to the stake.

During the reign of Ivan III, two factions within the Russian Church contended for influence. Joseph Volotsky led the faction that supported the right of monasteries to own land, while the non-possessors, led by Nil Sorsky, opposed monastic landholding. Ivan viewed the pomestye system as an ideal way to provide for the noble cavalrymen who served in the army, but the vast landholdings of the church prevented him from extending this system to the rest of his realm. As a result, the non-possessors were natural allies of Ivan. In the sobor (church council) of 1503, which was called to deal with the issues of church discipline, a compromise was reached whereby church lands would not be systematically confiscated; however, some scholars have argued that there is a lack of concrete evidence that this sobor discussed monastic landholding. Given that the government held significant amounts of crown land in the central regions, the government felt little pressure to confiscate monastic lands.

The fall of Constantinople in 1453 was viewed by the Russians as divine punishment for apostasy, with subsequent writings referring to Vasily II (r. 1425–1462) as "the God-chosen... God-crowned tsar

of Orthodoxy and of all Russia". The unilateral decision of Vasily II and the Russian bishops to install Jonah as metropolitan in 1448 was later justified by arguing that the fall of the Byzantine Empire had left the Orthodox world without an emperor, while the patriarch was incapacitated. This decision allowed for the creation of a separate metropolitanate in Lithuania during the reign of Casimir IV Jagiellon, with Jonah being unable to assert his authority there. Ivan III often presented himself as the Orthodox emperor, or tsar, in his diplomatic correspondence, and so the campaign to gain recognition as equals from the Habsburg emperors was a high priority. In the year 1492 (AM 7000), Metropolitan Zosimus speculated on Russia's role in the world and was thus the first to call Moscow an imperial city. Archbishop Gennady of Novgorod commissioned a complete Slavonic translation of the Bible, known as Gennady's Bible, which led to the creation of a byproduct: a composition known as The Legend of the White Cowl, which elaborated on the doctrine of the transfer of empire.

The vast majority of the population were peasants. The peasants' primary allegiance was to the commune. Although little information exists on the structure of peasant communes before the 16th century, historians believe that, by that time, the commune already had a very long history and deep roots. The peasants of either a district, village or several hamlets chose elders who would represent them through the commune. In the 15th and 16th centuries, the Muscovite government viewed the commune as a useful tool in governing the realm. For instance, the commune's members were collectively responsible for paying taxes, and therefore if one household failed to pay its share, then the others had to pay what was owed. Therefore, administrative ordinances recognized the traditional functions of the commune and used them to suit the needs of officials.

Over the centuries, peasant land increasingly passed into the hands of nobles and monasteries. Although the peasants continued to farm the land, they were now required to pay dues to the lord. These dues sometimes included the peasants giving their lord a small amount of money and specified amounts of rye, oats, butter, and other products. In other cases, peasants were obligated to provide a range of services, such as cultivating the fields of monks or baking their bread. By the end of the 15th century, monetary payments had become a regular part of these obligations. Throughout the 16th century, these demands appear to have risen. The peasants retained considerable leverage, such as the ability to leave their lord's manor. From the mid-15th century, Muscovite law also specified that peasants could legally move during the two weeks surrounding George's Day in Autumn, provided that they had fulfilled their obligations and settled any debt. By the end of the 15th century, the government had imposed a wide range of demands, including paying taxes, fees, and the provision of goods and services.

The other main class was the nobility. Their primary role was to serve as warriors, and as a result, nobles made up the retinue of ruling princes and armies. At the beginning of the 14th century, like other ruling princes, the prince of Moscow had his own force of military retainers. The grand prince of Vladimir was the suzerain of all the princes, and so in emergencies, he could summon the princes and their warriors to defend the country. In practice, the prince could choose whether to participate in such campaigns. As the Muscovite prince annexed other principalities, he brought the nobles there into his service. Some came to Moscow to serve in his court, while others were allowed to serve from their ancestral homeland. By the end of the 15th century, as the grand prince of Moscow became the undisputed leader of the nation, he forbade the right of departure and expected warriors to appear when summoned. Despite most nobles owning land in absolute tenure, known as votchiny, the grand prince had no qualms about confiscating them for acts of disloyalty.

During the reign of Ivan III (r. 1462–1505), the basic structure of the warrior nobility became more defined. At the top were the boyars as they commanded the armies and served as advisors. Below them was an equally small group of families whose members served as governors of various provinces and in other roles, including in battle. Beneath them were lesser members of the entourage, who guarded the grand prince and formed the core of his army. The majority of the warrior nobility lived on their estates and would appear when summoned, alongside the other nobles from their region. At the same time, the Muscovite army became a highly effective fighting force, drawing on centuries of experience battling mounted warriors from the steppe. As a result, Russian warriors prioritized speed and mobility, opting for light chain mail and primarily using bows and swords.