Byzantine Empire

The empire's inhabitants, today generally known as Byzantines, regarded themselves as Romans (in Greek, Ῥωμαῖοι or Romaioi). Similarly, their Islamic contemporaries called their empire the "land of the Romans" (Bilād al-Rūm). After 800 AD, Western Europe called them "Greeks" (Graeci), as the Papacy and medieval German emperors regarded themselves as the true inheritors of Roman identity. The adjective "Byzantine", derived from Byzantion (Byzantium in Latin), the name of the Greek settlement Constantinople was established on, was only used to describe the inhabitants of the city; it did not refer to the empire, called Rhomanía (Ῥωμανία or "Romanland") by its citizens.

Following the empire's fall, early modern scholars referred to it by many names, including the "Eastern Empire", the "Low Empire", the "Late Empire", the "Empire of the Greeks", "Empire of Constantinople", and "Roman Empire". The increasing use of "Byzantine" and "Byzantine Empire" may have started with Theodore Metochites or Laonikos Chalkokondyles whose work was widely propagated by Hieronymus Wolf. "Byzantine" was used adjectivally alongside terms such as "Empire of the Greeks" until the 19th century. It is now the primary term, used to refer to all aspects of the empire; some modern historians believe it should not be used because it was originally a prejudicial and inaccurate term.

Given the significant overlap in historiographical periodisations of Late Roman history, late antiquity, and Byzantine history, there is no consensus on a foundation date for the Byzantine Empire. Scholarship with links to Greece or Eastern Orthodoxy has customarily placed it in the early 300s. The growth of the study of "late antiquity" has led to some historians setting a start date in the seventh or eighth centuries. Others believe a "new empire" began during changes c. 300 AD. Geoffrey Greatrex believes that it is impossible to precisely date the foundation of the Byzantine Empire.

Between the 3rd and 1st centuries BC, the Roman Republic established hegemony over the eastern Mediterranean, while its government developed into the one-person rule of an emperor. The Roman Empire enjoyed a period of relative stability until the 3rd century AD, when external threats and internal crises caused it to splinter, as regional armies acclaimed their generals as "soldier-emperors". One of these, Diocletian (r. 284–305), recognised that the state was too big to be ruled by a single person. He instituted the Tetrarchy, a system which divided the empire into eastern and western halves. The Tetrarchy quickly failed, but the division of the empire proved an enduring concept.

Constantine I (r. 306–337) secured absolute power in 324. Over the next six years, he rebuilt the city of Byzantium as a new capital that he called "New Rome" (later named Constantinople). The old capital Rome was farther from the prosperous eastern provinces and in a less strategically important location; its esteem had already been somewhat lessened in the eyes of the "soldier-emperors", who ruled from the frontiers, and of the empire's population. Having been granted citizenship, the empire's subjects considered themselves just as Roman as those in the city of Rome. Constantine continued reforms of the empire's military and civil administration and instituted the gold solidus as a stable currency. He favoured Christianity and became an opponent of paganism. Constantine's dynasty prioritised a lengthy conflict against the comparably powerful Sasanid Persia and ended in 363 with the death of his nephew Julian. The reign of the short Valentinianic dynasty, marked by wars against the Goths, religious debates, and anti-corruption campaigns, ended in the East with the death of Valens at the Battle of Adrianople in 378.

Valens's successor, Theodosius I (r. 379–395), secured peace in the east by allowing the Goths to settle in Roman territory; he also twice intervened in the western half, defeating the usurpers Magnus Maximus and Eugenius in 388 and 394, respectively. He actively condemned paganism, confirmed the primacy of Nicene Orthodoxy over Arianism in the East, and established Christianity as the Roman state religion. He was the last emperor to rule both the western and eastern halves of the empire. After his death, the West was destabilised but the East thrived due to the civilian administrators who continued to hold power. Theodosius II (r. 408–450) largely left the rule of the East to officials such as Anthemius, who constructed the Theodosian Walls. Constantinople had now entrenched itself as the empire's capital.

Aside from Constantinople's walls, Theodosius' reign was also marked by the compilation of the Codex Theodosianus and the theological dispute over Nestorianism (a doctrine later deemed heretical). His reign also saw the arrival of Attila's Huns, who ravaged the Balkans, leading to a large tribute being exacted from the eastern empire. Attila switched his attention to the rapidly-deteriorating western empire, and his people fractured after his death in 453. Later, Leo I (r. 457–474) failed in his 468 attempt to reconquer the West. The warlord Odoacer deposed Romulus Augustulus in 476 and after the assassination of his titular successor Julius Nepos in 480, abolished the office of western emperor.

Through a combination of fortune and good political decisions, the Eastern Empire never experienced rebellious barbarian vassals or rule by barbarian warlords—the problems which ensured the downfall of the West. Zeno (r. 474–491) convinced the problematic Ostrogoth king Theodoric to take control of Italy from Odoacer; dying when the empire was at peace, he was succeeded by Anastasius I (r. 491–518). His belief in monophysitism brought occasional issues, but Anastasius was a capable administrator and instituted successful financial reforms including the abolition of the chrysargyron tax. He was the first emperor since Diocletian not to face any serious problems affecting the empire during his reign.

The reign of Justinian I was a high point in east Roman history. Following his accession in 527, the legal code was rewritten as the Corpus Juris Civilis, which streamlined Roman law across the empire; he reasserted imperial control over religion and morality through purges of pagans, heretics, and other "deviants"; and having ruthlessly subdued the 532 Nika revolt he rebuilt much of Constantinople, including the Hagia Sophia. Justinian I took advantage of the confusion, following Theoderic the Ostrogoth's death, to attempt the reconquest of Italy. The Vandal Kingdom in North Africa was subjugated in late 533 by the general Belisarius, who then invaded Italy; the Ostrogothic Kingdom mostly ended in 554.

In the 540s, Justinian began to suffer reversals on multiple fronts. Capitalising on Constantinople's preoccupation with the West, Khosrow I of the Sasanian Empire invaded Byzantine territory and sacked Antioch in 540. A devastating plague killed a large proportion of the population and severely reduced the empire's social and financial stability. The most difficult period of the Ostrogothic war, against their king Totila, came during this decade; while divisions among Justinian's advisors undercut the administration's response. He also did not fully heal the divisions in Chalcedonian Christianity, as the fifth ecumenical council failed to make a real difference. Justinian died in 565; his reign was more successful than any other emperor, yet he left behind an unstable empire.

Justin II (r. 565–578) inherited an empire stretched thin both financially and territorially. He was soon at war on many fronts. Fearing the aggressive Avars, the Lombards conquered much of northern Italy by 572. The Sasanian wars restarted in the same year, and would not conclude until 591; by this time, the Avars and Slavs had repeatedly invaded the Balkans, causing great instability. Maurice campaigned extensively in the region during the 590s, and although he re-established Byzantine control up to the Danube, he pushed his troops too far in 602—they mutinied, proclaimed an officer named Phocas as emperor, and executed Maurice. The Sasanians seized their moment and reopened hostilities; Phocas was unable to cope and soon faced a major rebellion led by Heraclius. Phocas lost Constantinople in 610 and was executed; this destructive civil war accelerated the empire's decline.

Under Khosrow II, the Sassanids occupied the Levant and Egypt and advanced into Asia Minor, and the Avars and Slavs raided in the Balkans. The Empire's control of Italy also weakened. After successfully repelling a siege of Constantinople in 626, Heraclius won a decisive victory at the Battle of Nineveh, eventually defeating the Sassanids later that year. The triumph would prove short-lived. The Arab conquests soon saw the conquest of the Levant, Egypt, and the Sassanid Empire by the newly formed Arab Rashidun Caliphate. By Heraclius' death in 641, the empire had been severely reduced economically and territorially—the loss of the wealthy eastern provinces had deprived the empire of as much as three-quarters of its revenue.

The next century is poorly documented. Arab raids into Asia Minor started quickly, and the Empire responded by holding fortified centres and avoiding battle wherever possible. Although Anatolia was invaded annually, it avoided permanent Arab occupation. The outbreak of the First Fitna in 656 gave the Empire breathing space, which it used sensibly: some order was restored in the Balkans by Constans II (r. 641–668) following his administrative reorganisation which over time evolved into the "theme system", a structure that allocated troops to defend specific provinces. Constantine IV (r. 668–685) repelled the Arab efforts to capture Constantinople in the 670s using Greek fire, but suffered a reversal against the Bulgars, who soon established an empire in the northern Balkans. Nevertheless, he had done enough to secure the empire's position, especially as the Umayyad Caliphate was undergoing another civil war.

Beginning in 695, when Constantine's son Justinian II was first deposed, the empire entered an era of political instability that lasted for the next 22 years. While Justinian had stabilised the situation with the divided Arabs, the threat of the reconstituted caliphate was met by Leo III when he repelled the 717–718 siege, the first serious challenge against Arab expansion.

The emperors Leo III (r. 717–741) and Constantine V (r. 741–775) were effective leaders, both in government and warfare. They withstood continued Arab attacks, as well as civil war and natural disasters. Constantine's success reestablished the state as a major regional power. Leo's reign produced the Ekloge ton nomon, a code of law that evolved that of Justinian I. He also continued to reform the theme system in order to lead offensive campaigns against the Muslims, culminating in a notable victory in 740. Constantine overcame an early civil war against his brother-in-law Artabasdos, created stability against the new Abbasid Caliphate, campaigned successfully against the Bulgars, and continued to make administrative and military reforms. Both emperors supported iconoclast policies opposing the veneration of religious images, which had them later vilified by biased authors, creating issues that continue to impact modern scholarship; Constantine's reign also saw the loss of Ravenna to the Lombards, and the beginning of a split from the Roman papacy.

In 780, Empress Irene assumed power as regent for her son Constantine VI. Although she was a capable administrator who restored the veneration of icons, the empire was destabilised by her conflict with her son. The Bulgars and Abbasids inflicted numerous defeats on the Byzantine armies, and the papacy crowned Charlemagne as Roman emperor in 800. In 802, the unpopular Irene was overthrown by Nikephoros I; he reformed the empire's administration but died in battle against the Bulgars in 811. Military defeats and societal disorder, especially the resurgence of iconoclasm, characterised the next eighteen years.

Stability was somewhat restored during the reign of Theophilos (r. 829–842). He capitalised on economic growth to complete construction programmes, including rebuilding the sea walls of Constantinople, overhaul provincial governance, and wage inconclusive campaigns against the Abbasids. After his death, his empress Theodora, ruling on behalf of her son Michael III, permanently restored the veneration of icons; the empire prospered under their sometimes-fraught rule. Michael was posthumously vilified by historians loyal to the dynasty of his successor Basil I, who had him assassinated in 867 and later benefited from successes begun under his predecessor.

Basil I (r. 867–886) continued Michael's policies. His armies campaigned with mixed results in Italy but defeated the Paulicians of Tephrike. His successor Leo VI (r. 886–912) sponsored, compiled, and issued a large body of written works. These included the Basilika, a Greek translation of Justinian I's legal corpus that incorporated Leo's new laws; the Tactica, a military treatise; and the Book of the Eparch, a manual on Constantinople's trading regulations.

Diocletian and Constantine's 4th-century reforms reorganised the empire's provinces into overarching Dioceses and then into Praetorian prefectures, separating the army from the civil administration. The central government, led by the emperor from the time of the earlier Pax Romana and into the late Palaiologan era, typically focused on the military, foreign relations, administering the law, and collecting taxes. A person usually ascended into the position of emperor after a ceremony. The senate evolved into a ceremonial body within the imperial court.

Cities had been a collection of self-governing communities with central government and church representatives from the 5th century. However, constant warfare significantly altered this, as regular raids and ongoing conflict led to power centralising due to the empire's fight for survival. After the 7th century, the prefectures were abandoned, and in the 9th century, the provinces were divided into administrative units called themes (or themata), governed solely by a military commander (strategos).

Theodosius II (r. 408–450) formalised Roman law by appointing five jurists as principal authorities and compiling legislation issued since Constantine's reign into the Codex Theodosianus. This process culminated in the Corpus Juris Civilis under Justinian I (r. 527–565), who commissioned a complete standardisation of imperial decrees since Hadrian's time and resolved conflicting legal opinions of the jurists. The result became the definitive legal authority. This body of law covered civil matters and also public law, including imperial power and administrative organisation. After 534, Justinian issued the Novellae (New Laws) in Greek, which marked a transition from Roman to Byzantine law. Legal historian Bernard Stolte distinguishes Roman law as this because Western Europe inherited law through the Latin texts of the Corpus Juris Civilis only.

Zachary Chitwood argues that the Corpus Juris Civilis was largely inaccessible in Latin, particularly in the provinces. Following the 7th-century Arab conquests, people began questioning the development and application of law, leading to stronger ties between law and Christianity. This context influenced Leo III (r. 717–741) to develop the Ekloge ton nomon, which placed an emphasis on humanity. The Ekloge inspired practical legal texts like the Farmers' Law, Seamen's Law, and Soldiers' Law, which Chitwood suggests were used daily in the provinces as companions to the Corpus Juris Civilis. During the Macedonian dynasty, efforts to reform law began with the publication of the Procheiron and the Eisagoge, which aimed to define the emperor's power under prevailing laws, and to replace the Ekloge due to its association with iconoclasm. Leo VI (r. 886–912) completed a complete codification of Roman law in Greek through the Basilika, a work of 60 books which became the foundation of Byzantine law. In 1345, Constantine Harmenopoulos compiled the Hexabiblos, a six-volume law book derived from various Byzantine legal sources.

Christianity, bolstered by Constantine's support, began shaping all aspects of life in the early Byzantine Empire. Despite the transition, the historian Anthony Kaldellis views Christianity as "bringing no economic, social, or political changes to the state other than being more deeply integrated into it". When the Roman state in the West collapsed politically, cultural differences began to divide the Christian churches of the East and West. Internal disputes within the Eastern churches led to the migration of monastic communities to Rome, exacerbating tensions between Rome and Constantinople. These disputes, particularly in Egypt and the eastern Mediterranean, eventually split the church into three branches: Chalcedonian, Monophysite (Coptic), and Nestorian. The Chalcedonian group maintained dominance within the empire's territories, while the Monophysite and Nestorian branches largely fell under Muslim rule in the 7th century.

Eastern patriarchs frequently sought the Papacy's mediation in doctrinal and practical matters, but the pope's authority was not universally acknowledged, even in nearby regions like Northern Italy. By 600, the Slavic settlement of the Balkans disrupted communication between Rome and Constantinople, further widening the divide. The Arab and Lombard invasions, and the increased Frankish presence, deepened this estrangement and intensified disputes over jurisdiction and authority between the two spiritual centres. Differences in ritual and theology, such as the use of unleavened bread and the Filioque clause, as well as divergences in ecclesiology—plenitudo potestatis versus the authority of Ecumenical Councils—and issues of mutual respect, contributed to the separation of Western Christianity from Eastern Christianity. This separation began by 597 and culminated in 1054 during the East–West Schism.

In the late 6th century, following Justinian I's wars, seven mobile field armies called comitatenses, numbering around 150,000 troops, were deployed around the empire; they remained the finest armies in Europe. They were aided by twenty-five frontier garrisons of approximately 195,000 lower-quality limitanei troops. Additional troops included subsidised allied forces and imperial guard units like the Scholae Palatinae. Naval forces were limited: flotillas were based at key locations, while 30,000 oarsmen were assembled to row 500, mostly requisitioned, transports to support the Vandalic War in Africa in 533.

The losses suffered in the 7th-century Arab conquests led to fundamental changes. The field armies were withdrawn into the core Anatolian territories and assigned to settle in specific districts, which became known as themata and eventually replaced the old provinces. The thematic armies, supported by the proceeds of their districts, came to resemble a provincial militia with a small professional core, aided by foreign mercenaries and imperial regiments at Constantinople. To defend against its new Muslim enemy, the navy was similarly reorganised into several provincialised fleets. It became the dominant power in the eastern Mediterranean, with dromons equipped with Greek fire proving crucial on several occasions.

As the 8th-century empire stabilised, the thematic militias proved rebellious and only suitable for defensive operations. The professional tagmata regiments, first introduced in the mid-700s and consisting of native Byzantine units alongside foreign forces such as the Varangian Guard, had completely replaced them by the 11th century. The mobile tagmata, suitable for offensive warfare, evolved new tactical and strategic structures; the late 10th-century army, perhaps the highest-quality force the empire produced, numbered approximately 140,000, up from below 100,000 in the late 700s. However, its defensive capacities were neglected, especially during the 11th-century civil wars, leading to the loss of Anatolia to the Seljuks. The navy had also been reduced, as the empire increasingly relied on potentially hostile powers such as Venice.

Post-1081 reforms re-established an effective army; the institution of feudal-like pronoia grants provided revenue to individuals in exchange for soldiers. The new army heavily relied on foreign mercenaries alongside indigenous Byzantine troops, but the financial demands of a standing army proved too much for the Byzantine state, which succumbed to the Fourth Crusade in 1204. The army of the Palaiologan dynasty, which retook Constantinople in 1261, was generally composed of a similar mix of mercenaries and indigenous troops, but it had lost all offensive capability by the late 1200s. The empire's continued survival depended on foreign armies; attempts in the 1340s to rebuild the fleet, unwisely disbanded in 1284, were forcibly halted by Genoa. No post-1204 Byzantine field army fielded more than 5,000 troops, and less than 8,000 defended the final siege of Constantinople in 1453.

Byzantine strategy was primarily defensive, aside from the brief period of aggression between the ninth and eleventh centuries, because of the empire's habitual lack of resources. To avoid risky and expensive military campaigns, the Byzantines engaged in extensive diplomatic efforts. These took various forms, including: formal embassies, client management, alliance or peace negotiations, political marriages, propaganda and bribery, or even espionage and assassination.

Defensively oriented Byzantine diplomacy was intended to protect the oikoumenē, the civilised Christian world which the empire rightfully ruled. The decline of the key limitrophe system, wherein client states along the borders served as intermediaries between the empire and other large enemies, exposed the empire to attack. By the eleventh century, Byzantine diplomacy was more bilateral and balanced. Although it lost some important advantages post-1204, diplomacy, including the still-influential Orthodox church, was nevertheless a central element in the empire's lengthy survival until 1453.

Scholars associate the Roman, Hellenic, and Christian imperial identities with the general population, but there is ongoing debate about how these and other regional identities blended together.

As many as 27 million people lived in the empire at its peak in 540, but this fell to 12 million by 800. Although plague and territorial losses to Arab Muslim invaders weakened the empire, it eventually recovered and by the near end of the Macedonian dynasty in 1025, the population is estimated to have been as high as 18 million. A few decades after the recapture of Constantinople in 1282, the empire's population was in the range of 3–5 million; by 1312, the number had dropped to 2 million. By the time the Ottoman Turks captured Constantinople, there were only 50,000 people in the city, one-tenth of its population in its prime.

Slavery remained legal but declined in economic importance as many former slave roles became free professions and the state increasingly promoted intermediate forms of dependency such as the coloni. From the 4th century, imperial legislation progressively limited owners' powers and restricted the enslavement of children, prisoners of war, and eventually Christians.

Feasting was central to the culture. By the 10th century, dining shifted from reclining to tables with clean linen. The introduction of the fork and salad dressing (with oil and vinegar) further shaped Italian and Western traditions. Classical Greco-Roman era foods were common such as the condiment garos (similar to fermented fish sauces today) as well as the still popular baklava. Fruits like aubergine and orange, unknown during classical times, were added to diets. Foods that have continued into the modern era include the cured meat paston, Feta cheese, salt roe similar to the modern boutargue, Black sea caviar, tiropita, dolmades, and the soup trachanas. There were famed medieval sweet wines such as the Malvasia from Monemvasia, the Commandaria, and the eponymous Rumney wine which were drunk, as were millet beer (known as boza) and retsina.

Chariot races were held from the early era until 1204, becoming one of the world's longest continuous sporting events. Mimes, the pantomime and some wild animal shows were prominent until the 6th century. Because Christian bishops and pagan philosophers did not like these activities, the state's funding for them ceased, leading to their decline and a move to private entertainment and sporting. A Persian version of polo introduced by the Crusaders called Tzykanion was played by the nobility and urban aristocracy in major cities during the middle and late eras, as was the sport of jousting introduced from the West. Over time, game boards like tavli became increasingly popular.

Latin and Greek were the primary languages of the late Roman Empire, with the former prevalent in the west and the latter in the east. Although Latin was historically important in the military, legal system, and government, its use declined in Byzantine territories from 400 AD. Greek had begun to replace it even in those functions by the time of Justinian I (r. 527–565), who may have tried to arrest Latin's decline. Its extinction in the east was thereafter inevitable. A similar process of linguistic Hellenization occurred in Asia Minor, whose inhabitants had mostly abandoned their indigenous languages for Greek by early Byzantine times. Still, much of the population of the early empire would have known neither Latin nor Greek, especially in rural areas—their languages included Armenian in Byzantine Armenia, Aramaic dialects such as Syriac in Mesopotamia and the Levant, Coptic in Egypt, Phoenician on the Levant coast and in Carthage, and Berber in rural North Africa.

By the mid-6th century, Geoffrey Horrocks estimates that Greek was the native language of about one-third of the population, while it was spoken by 80% of the aristocracy. The empire lost its linguistic diversity in the wars of the 7th and 8th centuries, becoming overwhelmingly Greek-speaking. During this troubled period, classical Attic Greek—one of the linguistic registers the Byzantine Greeks inherited—fell out of use, while the everyday vernacular registers were still used. As the empire gained some stability from the 9th century onwards, and especially after the Komnenian restoration, Attic Greek came back into fashion for written works. In a phenomenon called diglossia, the gap between vernacular spoken Greek, which was rarely written in published works, and literary registers only spoken in formal contexts, became very wide.

During the Palaiologan period, although classically written works remained the normal style, Western-inspired writers began to use more vernacular elements, especially for romances or near-contemporary histories. One example is the Chronicle of the Morea, probably written by a French immigrant who was ignorant of formal Greek literature and who incorporated spoken Greek into his work. All such written vernacular was in verse form, becoming the ancestor of modern Greek poetry, while prose remained classically written.

The empire's geographic and maritime advantages reduced the costs of transporting goods and facilitated trade, making it a key driver of economic growth from antiquity and through the post-classical period. Infrastructure, including roads, public buildings, and the legal system, supported trade and other economic activities. Regions like Asia Minor, the Aegean islands, Egypt, the Levant, and Africa thrived as mature economic centres despite political challenges and military insecurities. From the mid-6th century onward, plagues, invasions, and wars caused populations and economies to decline, leading to the collapse of the ancient economy. Major cities like Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria, and Thessaloniki continued to support substantial populations exceeding 100,000, while the countryside transitioned into fortified settlements. These rural areas developed into hamlets and villages, reflecting an economic shift between historical periods towards more efficient land use.

Low population density prompted emperors to encourage migration and resettlement, stimulating agriculture and demographic growth. By the 9th century, the economy began to revive, marked by increased agricultural production and urban expansion. Advances in science, technical knowledge, and literacy gave the empire a competitive edge over its neighbours. The 11th and 12th centuries witnessed consistent and rapid population growth, marking the peak of this revival. Italian merchants, particularly the Venetians, Genoese, and Pisans, took control of international trade, thus reducing the influence of native merchants. The political system grew increasingly extractive and authoritarian, contributing to the empire's collapse in 1204.

The fall of Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade in 1204 destroyed centuries of its wealth. Large landholdings were confiscated, and the empire fragmented into smaller rump states ruled by competing factions, making governance inefficient and increasing the costs of doing business. The state gradually lost control over trade practices, price regulations, the outflow of precious metals, and possibly even the minting of coins. Italian merchants further dominated trade as the events of 1204 opened the Black Sea to Western merchants, permanently altering the empire's fortunes. Farmers and manufacturers increasingly produced goods for local use and were affected by the insecurity of constant warfare. Despite these challenges, the empire's mixed economy (characterised by state interventions, public works, and market liberalisation) remained a model of medieval economic adaptability, even as it deteriorated under external pressures.