Fatimid Caliphate

The Fatimid dynasty claimed descent from Fatimah, the daughter of Muhammad. The dynasty legitimised its claim through descent from Muhammad by way of his daughter and her husband Ali, the first Shi'a imam, hence the dynasty's name, faṭimiyy (Arabic: فَاطِمِيّ), the Arabic relative adjective for Fāṭima.

Emphasising its Alid descent, the dynasty named itself simply the 'Alid dynasty' (al-dawla al-alawiyya), but many hostile Sunni sources only refer to them as the Ubaydids (Banu Ubayd), after the diminutive form Ubayd Allah for the name of the first Fatimid caliph.

The Fatimid dynasty came to power as the leaders of Isma'ilism, a revolutionary Shi'a movement "which was at the same time political and religious, philosophical and social," and which originally proclaimed nothing less than the arrival of an Islamic messiah. The origins of that movement, and of the dynasty itself, are obscure prior to the late ninth century.

The Fatimid rulers were Arab in origin, starting with its founder, the Isma'ili Shi'a caliph Abdallah al-Mahdi Billah. The caliphate's establishment was accomplished by Kutama Berbers from Little Kabylia, who converted to the Fatimid cause early and made up its original military forces.

The Shi'a opposed the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphates, whom they considered usurpers. Instead, they believed in the exclusive right of the descendants of Ali through Muhammad's daughter Fatima, to lead the Muslim community. This manifested itself in a line of imams, descendants of Ali via al-Husayn, whom their followers considered as the true representatives of God on earth. At the same time, there was a widespread messianic tradition in Islam concerning the appearance of a mahdi ("the Rightly Guided One") or qa'im ("He Who Arises"), who would restore true Islamic government and justice and usher in the end times. This figure was widely expected – not just among the Shi'a – to be a descendant of Ali. Among Shi'a, however, this belief became a core tenet of their faith, and was applied to several Shi'a leaders who were killed or died; their followers believed that they had gone into "occultation" (ghayba) and would return (or be resurrected) at the appointed time.

These traditions manifested themselves in the succession of the sixth imam, Ja'far al-Sadiq. Al-Sadiq had appointed his son Isma'il ibn Ja'far as his successor, but Isma'il died before his father, and when al-Sadiq himself died in 765, the succession was left open. Most of his followers followed al-Sadiq's son Musa al-Kazim down to a twelfth and final imam who supposedly went into occultation in 874 and would one day return as the mahdī. This branch is hence known as the "Twelvers". Others followed other sons, or even refused to believe that al-Sadiq had died, and expected his return as the mahdī. Another branch believed that al-Sadiq was followed by a seventh imam, who had gone into occultation and would one day return; hence this party is known as the "Seveners". The exact identity of that seventh imam was disputed, but by the late ninth century had commonly been identified with Muhammad, son of Isma'il and grandson of al-Sadiq. From Muhammad's father, Isma'il, the sect, which gave rise to the Fatimids, receives its name of "Isma'ili". Due to the harsh Abbasid persecution of the Alids, the Ismaili Imams went into hiding and neither Isma'il's nor Muhammad's lives are well known, and after Muhammad's death during the reign of Harun al-Rashid (r. 786–809), the history of the early Isma'ili movement becomes obscure.

While the awaited mahdi Muhammad ibn Isma'il remained hidden, however, he would need to be represented by agents, who would gather the faithful, spread the word (da'wa, "invitation, calling"), and prepare his return. The head of this secret network was the living proof of the imam's existence, or "seal" (hujja). It is in this role that the ancestors of the Fatimids are first documented. The first known hujja was a certain Abdallah al-Akbar ("Abdallah the Elder"), a wealthy merchant from Khuzestan, who established himself at the small town of Salamiya on the western edge of the Syrian Desert. Salamiya became the centre of the Isma'ili da'wa, with Abdallah al-Akbar being succeeded by his son and grandson as the secret "grand masters" of the movement.

In the last third of the ninth century, the Isma'ili da'wa spread widely, profiting from the collapse of Abbasid power in the Anarchy at Samarra and the subsequent Zanj Revolt, as well as from dissatisfaction among Twelver adherents with the political quietism of their leadership and the recent disappearance of the twelfth imam. Missionaries (da'is) such as Hamdan Qarmat and Ibn Hawshab spread the network of agents to the area round Kufa in the late 870s, and from there to Yemen (882) and thence India (884), Bahrayn (899), Persia, and the Maghreb (893).

In 899, Abdallah al-Akbar's great-grandson, Abdallah, became the new head of the movement, and introduced a radical change in the doctrine: no longer was he and his forebears merely the stewards for Muhammad ibn Isma'il, but they were declared to be the rightful imams, and Abdallah himself was the awaited mahdi. Various genealogies were later put forth by the Fatimids to justify this claim by proving their descent from Isma'il ibn Ja'far, but even in pro-Isma'ili sources, the succession and names of imams differ, while Sunni and Twelver sources of course reject any Fatimid descent from the Alids altogether and consider them impostors. Abdallah's claim caused a rift in the Isma'ili movement, as Hamdan Qarmat and other leaders denounced this change and held onto the original doctrine, becoming known as the "Qarmatians", while other communities remained loyal to Salamiya. Shortly after, in 902–903, pro-Fatimid loyalists began a great uprising in Syria. The large-scale Abbasid reaction it precipitated and the attention it brought on him, forced Abdallah to abandon Salamiya for Palestine, Egypt, and finally for the Maghreb, where the da'i Abu Abdallah al-Shi'i had made great headway in converting the Kutama Berbers to the Isma'ili cause. Unable to join his da'i directly, Abdallah instead settled at Sijilmasa sometime between 904 and 905.

Prior to the Fatimid rise to power, Ifriqiya was under the control of the Aghlabids, an Arab dynasty who ruled nominally on behalf of the Abbasids but were de facto independent. In 893 the dā'ī Abu Abdallah al-Shi'i first settled among the Banu Saktan tribe (part of the larger Kutama tribe) in Ikjan, near the city of Mila (in northeastern Algeria today). However, due to hostility from the local Aghlabid authorities and other Kutuma tribes, he was forced to leave Ikjan and sought the protection of another Kutama tribe, the Banu Ghashman, in Tazrut (two miles southwest of Mila). From there, he began to build support for a new movement. Shortly after, the hostile Kutama tribes and the Arab lords of the nearby cities (Mila, Setif, and Bilizma) allied together to march against him, but he was able to move quickly and muster enough support from friendly Kutama to defeat them one by one before they were able to unite. This first victory brought Abu Abdallah and his Kutama troops valuable loot and attracted more support to the dā'ī's cause. Over the next two years Abu Abdallah was able to win over most of the Kutama tribes in the region through either persuasion or coercion. This left much of the countryside under his control, while the major cities remained under Aghlabid control. He established an Isma'ili theocratic state based in Tazrut, operating in a way similar to previous Isma'ili missionary networks in Mesopotamia but adapted to local Kutama tribal structures. He adopted the role of a traditional Islamic ruler at the head of this organisation while remaining in frequent contact with Abdallah. He continued to preach to his followers, known as the Awliya' Allah ('Friends of God'), and to initiate them into Isma'ili doctrine.

In 902, while the Aghlabid emir Ibrahim II was away on campaign in Sicily, Abu Abdallah struck the first significant blow against Aghlabid authority in Ifriqiya by attacking and capturing the city of Mila for the first time. This news triggered a serious response from the Aghlabids, who sent a punitive expedition of 12,000 men from Tunis in October of the same year. Abu Abdallah's forces were unable to resist this counterattack and after two defeats they evacuated Tazrut (which was largely unfortified) and fled to Ikjan, leaving Mila to be retaken. Ikjan became the new centre of the Fatimid movement and the dā'ī reestablished his network of missionaries and spies.

Ibrahim II died in October 902 while in southern Italy and was succeeded by Abdallah II. In early 903 Abdallah II set out on another expedition to destroy Ikjan and the Kutama rebels, but he ended the expedition prematurely due to troubles at home arising from disputes over his succession. On 27 July 903, he was assassinated and his son Ziyadat Allah III took power in Tunis. These internal Aghlabid troubles gave Abu Abdallah the opportunity to recapture Mila and then go on to capture Setif, another fortified city, by October or November 904. In 905 the Aghlabids sent a third expedition to try and subdue the Kutama. They based themselves in Constantine and in the fall of 905, after receiving further reinforcements, set out to march against Abu Abdallah. However, they were surprised by Kutama forces on the first day of their march, which caused a panic and scattered their army. The Aghlabid general fled and the Kutama captured a large booty. Another Aghlabid military expedition organised the next year (906) failed when the soldiers mutinied. Around the same time or soon after, Abu Abdallah's forces besieged and captured the fortified cities of Tubna and Bilizma. The capture of Tubna was significant as it was the first major commercial centre to come under Abu Abdallah's control.

Meanwhile, Ziyadat Allah III moved his court from Tunis to Raqqada, the palace-city near Kairouan, in response to the growing threat. He fortified Raqqada in 907. In early 907 another Aghlabid army marched westwards again against Abu Abdallah, accompanied by Berber reinforcements from the Aurès Mountains. They were again scattered by Kutama cavalry and retreated to Baghaya, the most fortified town on the old southern Roman road between Ifriqiya and the central Maghreb. The fortress, however, fell to the Kutama without a siege when local notables arranged to have the gates opened to them in May or June 907. This opened a hole in the wider defensive system of Ifriqiya and created panic in Raqqada. Ziyadat Allah III stepped up anti-Fatimid propaganda, recruited volunteers, and took measures to defend the weakly fortified city of Kairouan. He spent the winter of 907–908 with his army in al-Aribus (Roman-era Laribus, between present-day El Kef and Maktar), expecting an attack from the north. However, Abu Abdallah's forces had been unable to capture the northerly city of Constantine and therefore they instead attacked along the southern road from Baghaya in early 908 and captured Maydara (present-day Haïdra). An indecisive battle subsequently occurred between the Aghalabid and Kutama armies near Dar Madyan (probably a site between Sbeitla and Kasserine), with neither side gaining the upper hand. During the winter of 908–909 Abu Abdallah campaigned in the region around Chott el-Jerid, capturing the towns of Tozeur, Nafta, and Qafsa (Gafsa) and taking control of the region. The Aghlabids responded by besieging Baghaya soon afterward in the same winter, but they were quickly repelled.

On 25 February 909, Abu Abdallah set out from Ikjan with an army of 200,000 men for a final invasion of Kairouan. The remaining Aghlabid army, led by an Aghlabid prince named Ibrahim Ibn Abi al-Aghlab, met them near al-Aribus on 18 March. The battle lasted until the afternoon, when a contingent of Kutama horsemen managed to outflank the Aghlabid army and finally caused a rout. When news of the defeat reached Raqqada, Ziyadat Allah III packed his valuable treasures and fled towards Egypt. The population of Kairouan looted the abandoned palaces of Raqqada and resisted Ibn Abi al-Aghlab's calls to organise a last-ditch resistance. Upon hearing of the looting, Abu Abdallah sent an advance force of Kutama horsemen who secured Raqqada on 24 March.

Fatimid society was highly pluralistic. Isma'ili Shi'ism was the religion of the state and the caliph's court, but most of the population followed different religions or denominations. Most of the Muslim population remained Sunni, and a large part of the population remained Christian. Jews were a smaller minority. As in other Islamic societies of the time, non-Muslims were classified as dhimmis, a term which implied both certain restrictions and certain liberties, though the practical circumstances of this status varied from context to context. As elsewhere in the historic Muslim world, they were required to pay the jizya tax. Scholars generally agree that, on the whole, Fatimid rule was highly tolerant and inclusive towards different religious communities.

Unlike western European governments of the era, advancement in Fatimid state offices was more meritocratic than hereditary. Members of other branches of Islam, like the Sunnis, were just as likely to be appointed to government posts as Shiites. Tolerance was extended to non-Muslims, such as Christians and Jews, who occupied high levels in government based on ability, and this policy of tolerance ensured the flow of money from non-Muslims in order to finance the Caliphs' large army of Mamluks brought in from Circassia by Genoese merchants.

There were exceptions to this general attitude of tolerance, however, most notably by al-Hakim, though this has been highly debated, with Al-Hakim's reputation among medieval Muslim historians conflated with his role in the Druze faith. Christians in general and Copts in particular were persecuted by Al-Hakim; the persecution of the Christians included closing and demolishing churches and forced conversion to Islam. With the succession of Caliph al-Zahir, the Druze faced a mass persecution, which included large massacres against the Druze in Antioch, Aleppo, and other cities.

It's unclear what number or percentage of the population inside the caliphate were actually Isma'ilis, but they always remained a minority. Historical chronicles report large numbers of enthusiastic converts in Egypt during the reign of al-'Aziz, but this trend dropped significantly around the middle of al-Hakim's reign. The Fatimid state promoted Isma'ili doctrine (the da'wa) through a hierarchical organisation. The Imam-Caliph, as successor to Muhammad, was both the political and religious leader. Below the Imam-Caliph, the top of this hierarchy was headed by the da'i l-du'at or "supreme missionary". Newcomers to the doctrine were initiated by attending the majalis al-hikma ("Sessions of Wisdom"), lectures and lessons that were delivered in a special hall inside the palaces of Cairo. The doctrine was kept secret from those who were not initiated. Additionally, Isma'ili doctrines were disseminated through the lectures hosted at Al-Azhar Mosque in Cairo, which became an intellectual centre hosting teachers and students. Beyond the borders of the Fatimid Caliphate, recruitment to the da'wa continued to be performed in secret as it had been before the caliphate's establishment, though the many missionaries maintained contact with the leadership in Ifriqiya or Egypt. Some of the da'is (missionaries) abroad sometimes came to Cairo and became important figures in the state, as with the example of al-Kirmani during al-Hakim's reign.

Isma'ili unity was weakened over time by several schisms after the establishment of the caliphate (in addition to the Qarmatian schism before its establishment). The Druze, who believed in the divinity of Caliph al-Hakim, were suppressed in Egypt and elsewhere, but eventually found a home in the region of Mount Lebanon. After the death of Caliph al-Mustansir, a succession crisis resulted in the breakaway of the Nizaris, who supported the claim of his oldest son Nizar, as opposed to the Musta'lis who supported the successful enthronement of al-Musta'li. The Nizaris were also suppressed inside the Caliphate's borders, but continued to be active outside it, mostly in Iran, Iraq, and parts of Syria. After the death of Caliph al-Amir, al-Hafiz, his cousin, successfully claimed the title of Imam-Caliph at the expense of al-Amir's infant son, al-Tayyib. Those who recognised al-Hafiz in Cairo were known as the al-Hafizi branch, but those who opposed this unusual succession and supported the succession of al-Tayyib were known as the al-Tayyibi branch. This particular schism resulted in the loss of Fatimid support in Yemen.

In Ifriqiya, the Sunni Muslims of the cities largely followed the Maliki school or madhhab. The Maliki school had become predominant here during the eighth century at the expense of the Hanafi school, which had generally been favoured by the Aghlabids. In Egypt, the majority of Muslims were Sunni and remained so throughout the Fatimid period. Cognisant of this, the Fatimid authorities introduced Shi'a changes to religious rituals only gradually after Jawhar's conquest. It was also in this era that the followers of the Hanafi, Shafi'i, Hanbali, and Maliki schools were beginning to think of themselves collectively, to one extent or another, as Sunni, which undermined the universalism that the Shi'a Isma'ilis promoted. Some Shi'as, including some Hasanid and Husaynid families, were also present in Egypt and welcomed the Fatimids as fellow Shi'as or as blood relatives, but without necessarily converting to Isma'ilism. Many non-Isma'ili Muslims also accepted the Fatimid caliphs as having legitimate rights to lead the Muslim community but did not accept the more absolute Shi'a beliefs in the concept of the Imamate.

Christians may have still constituted a majority of the population in Egypt during the Fatimid period, although scholarly estimates on this issue are tentative and vary between authors. The proportion of Christians would have likely been greater in the rural population than in the main cities. Among Christians, the largest community were Copts, followed by Melkite Christians. A large number of Armenian immigrants also arrived in Egypt during the late 11th and early 12th centuries when Armenian viziers like Badr al-Jamali dominated the state, which led to the Armenian church establishing a foothold in the country as well. In addition to churches in towns and cities, Christian monasteries also dotted the countryside. Some regions, like Wadi al-Natrun, were ancient centres of Coptic monasticism. Italian traders, led by Amalfitans, were also present in Fustat and Alexandria, moving goods between Egypt and the rest of the Mediterranean world.

Within the Christian communities, and especially among Copts, there emerged a relatively affluent class of notables who served as scribes or administrators in the Fatimid regime. These laymen used their wealth to patronise, and in turn influence, their churches. The state also had influence on the church, as demonstrated by the transfer of the Coptic Patriarchate from Alexandria to Fustat (specifically what is now Old Cairo) during the patriarchate of Cyril II (1078–1092), due to the demands of Badr al-Jamali, who wished for the Coptic pope to stay close to the capital. The Church of the Virgin, now known as the Hanging Church, became the new seat of the Patriarchate, along with an alternative church compound built on the upper floor of the St. Mercurius Church. Until the 14th century (when the seat was moved to the Church of the Virgin Mary in Harat Zuwayla), both churches were residences of the Coptic pope and served as venues for the consecrations of new popes and other important religious events.

Jewish communities existed across the territories under Fatimid control and also enjoyed a degree of self-governance. Although a smaller minority compared to Christians and Muslims, their history is relatively well documented thanks to the Genizah documents. The community was divided between Rabbanites and Karaites. Traditionally, up until the late 11th century, the most powerful head of the Jewish community was the ga'on or leader of the yeshiva of Jerusalem, who appointed judges and other Jewish community officials across the region. The Fatimids formally charged the ga'on of Jerusalem with responsibilities as representative of the community. By 1100, however, a new position had been established by Jews in Fustat, known to them as Nagid in Hebrew, and later officially recognized by the Muslim authorities as Rais al-Yahud (meaning "Head of the Jews") in Arabic. This shift was likely due to the Jerusalem ga'on's own loss of influence, hastened by the Fatimid time of troubles and by the Seljuk invasion of Palestine, and to the Jewish community's engagement with the centralizing politics that Badr al-Jamali pursued around this time (which had already resulted in the transfer of the Coptic Patriarchate to Fustat). While the Nagid was always from the Rabbinite community, he also represented Karaite Jews and Samaritans.

Religious diversity notwithstanding, the spread of Arabic as the main language of the population had already progressed rapidly before the Fatimid period. In parts of Egypt, Copts and possibly also some Muslim communities were still speaking Coptic when the Fatimids arrived on the scene. It is during the Fatimid period, however, that Coptic religious culture began to be translated into Arabic. By the end of the Fatimid period (12th century), many Coptic Christians could no longer understand the Coptic language, and eventually its usage was reduced to a liturgical language.

In the Maghreb, Berber languages had remained dominant among the rural and nomadic populations of the countryside since the early Arab conquests, while Arabic was dominant primarily in and around urban centres such as Kairouan. In the 11th century, the Fatimid caliphs in Egypt incited the Arab Bedouin tribes of the Banu Hilal and Banu Sulaym to migrate westwards from Egypt towards Ifriqiya in retaliation for the Zirids' declaration of independence. This mass migration initiated a new wave of Arabization throughout most of the Maghrebi countryside and precipitated the decline of Berber languages there over time, except in some mountainous or desert areas.

White was the dynastic color of the Fatimids, in opposition to Abbasid black, while red and yellow banners were associated with the caliph's person. Green is also cited as their dynastic color, based on a tradition that Muhammad wore a green cloak. The dynasty was Arab in origin, starting with their founder Abdullah al-Mahdi billah.

The Fatimid military was based largely on the Kutama Berber tribesmen brought along on the march to Egypt, and they remained an important part of the military even after Ifriqiya began to break away. The Kutamas formed the original core of the Fatimid army and were instrumental in the dynasty’s rise. As the first group to pledge mass support to the hidden Ismaili imam, they enabled the public emergence of al-Mahdi. In Ifriqiya the army remained predominantly Berber, though Arab elements gradually increased. After the move to Egypt the Kutamas retained elite status and led major campaigns of expansion and defence, including operations against the Qarmatians. The need for greater numbers and more varied skills prompted ethnic diversification of the army through absorption of defeated forces, defections, slave purchases and the attraction of better patronage. Setbacks in Syria and Palestine hastened a shift in military policy. From the reign of al-ʿAzīz onward the Kutamas had to defend their privileged position against these new rivals and ultimately lost. By the twelfth century they had ceased to exist as a distinct military corps and were absorbed into the civilian population.

Other North African units included the Barqiyya and Batiliyya, who arrived with Jawhar’s army and served as cavalry in military parades. The qasriyya (or qaysariyya) are best known for their role in Sitt al-Mulk’s attempted coup against al-Ḥākim. Around 1020 they joined other corps in rioting, looting and burning markets in the capital. During the economic crisis of 1024–5 their commander initially restrained a gang of Black slave soldiers (jawwala) from looting, but the two groups later collaborated to rob a North African caravan. The qaysariyya also attacked and robbed Turkish troops, provoking Turkish retaliation, and the Kutamas submitted petitions against them to al-Ẓāhir.

A fundamental change occurred when the Fatimid Caliphate attempted to push into Syria in the latter half of the tenth century. The Fatimids were faced with the now Turkish-dominated forces of the Abbasid Caliphate and began to realise the limits of their current military. After al-Azīz defeated Alptakin and his coalition in Syria and Palestine, several thousand Turkish soldiers were incorporated into the Fatimid forces and brought to Cairo. Thus during the reign of al-Aziz Billah and al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, the Caliph began including armies of Turks. These Turks, who were freedmen under their own commander, received preferential treatment that diminished the standing of the Kutama; strong ties of patronage bound them closely to the dynasty, and they settled in a distinct quarter of Fustat. Alongside them, other significant contingents included the Daylamīs from the Caspian region and the Kurds. The Daylamīs, of Persian origin, likewise entered Fatimid service following the same victory over Alptakin and were easily identified in military processions by the javelins they carried.

As a military leader, Barjawān played a central role in forming the government that took power after Sitt al-Mulk’s death. His influence—and that of his associates—grew substantially because al-Ḥākim had greatly expanded the recruitment of Black infantry. Positioned between the Maghāriba (Berbers) on one side and the Mashāriqa (Turks and Daylamīs) on the other, These Black troops, purchased as slaves from Nubia and through the trans-Saharan trade via Zawīla in the Fezzan, became a major component of the army. They gave the palace a reliable force that could counterbalance the long-standing ethnic rivalries within the military.

By the late eleventh century the Armenians had become the dominant ethnic group in the Fatimid infantry. This shift followed the arrival in Cairo of the Armenian commander Badr al-Jamālī from Acre (ʿAkka), summoned by the caliph al-Mustanṣir to restore order during a severe crisis. Badr al-Jamālī belonged to a broader Armenian migration into Syria that had begun in the tenth century. Armenians settled along the new Byzantine-Syrian frontier and served in the Byzantine army as both cavalry and infantry. By the reign of al-Ḥākim, Armenians were already present in Fatimid forces fighting Abū Rakwa. Badr himself began his career as a ghulām (military slave) in the service of the Banū ʿAmmār at Tripoli.

Badr’s appointment as governor of Damascus in place of Nāṣir al-Dawla proved decisive, though he was an unwelcome outsider there and at odds with Nāṣir. Returning to Acre, he secured the coast from Acre to Ascalon, recruited an army of fellow Armenians (infantry and cavalry archers), and took command of the Fatimid fleet. Elevated by al-Mustanṣir as the dynasty’s champion, Badr remained dependent on his (partly Christian) Armenian troops and the Armenians who accompanied him into Egypt. In 1087 he welcomed an Armenian patriarch for the community; this was also welcomed by Coptic circles because of the shared Monophysite faith of Armenians, Copts, Nubians and Ethiopians. From the outset Badr treated the Coptic Church as a useful instrument of policy. In the eleventh century the Armenian diaspora expanded further due to the break-up of the Armenian kingdom, its annexation by Byzantium (1020–1050), and Turcoman invasions of the Caucasus and Anatolia. For the Fatimids, this influx of an external people ranked in importance with the Banū Hilāl and the Turcomans. Armenian predominance in the infantry continued until the end of the Fatimid dynasty.

A specialised palace security division performed nightly rounds, announced each evening for an hour at the call to prayer by trumpets, drums and cymbals. This practice dated from the early Fatimid period in Egypt and was modified only by al-Ḥākim, who banned the use of musical instruments.

Al-Mahdiyya, the first capital of the Fatimid dynasty, was established by its first caliph, Abdullah al-Mahdi (297–322 AH/909–934 CE) in 300 AH/912–913 CE. The caliph had been residing in nearby Raqqada but chose this new and more strategic location in which to establish his dynasty. The city of al-Mahdiyya is located on a narrow peninsula along the coast of the Mediterranean Sea, east of Kairouan and just south of the Gulf of Hammamet, in modern-day Tunisia. The primary concern in the city's construction and locale was defence. With its peninsular topography and the construction of a wall 8.3 m thick, the city became impenetrable by land. This strategic location, together with a navy that the Fatimids had inherited from the conquered Aghlabids, made the city of al-Mahdiyya a strong military base where Abdullah al-Mahdi consolidated power and planted the seeds of the Fatimid caliphate for two generations. The city included two royal palaces—one for the caliph and one for his son and successor al-Qa'im—as well as a mosque, many administrative buildings, and an arsenal.

Al-Mansuriyya (also known as Ṣabra al-Mansuriyya) was established between 334 and 336 AH (945 and 948 CE) by the third Fatimid caliph al-Mansur (334–41 AH/946–53 CE) in a settlement known as Ṣabra, located on the outskirts of Kairouan in modern-day Tunisia. The new capital was established in commemoration of the victory of al-Mansur over the Kharijite rebel Aba Yazid at Ṣabra. Construction of the city was not quite finished when al-Mansur died in 953, but his son and successor, al-Mu'izz, finished it and completed the city's mosque that same year. Like Baghdad, the plan of the city of Al-Mansuriyya is round, with the caliphal palace at its centre. Due to a plentiful water source, the city grew and expanded a great deal under al-Mansur. Archaeological evidence suggests that there were more than 300 hammams built during this period in the city as well as numerous palaces. When al-Mansur's successor, al-Mu'izz, moved the caliphate to Cairo he left his deputy, Buluggin ibn Ziri, as regent of Ifriqiya, marking the beginning of the city's Zirid period. In 1014–15 the Zirid ruler Badis ibn al-Mansur ordered merchants and artisans of Kairouan to be transferred to al-Mansuriyya, which may have helped provoke a revolt in 1016 which damaged the city. In 1057, under pressure from the Banu Hilal invasions, the Zirids abandoned al-Mansuriyya for Mahdiyya and the city was devastated. Unlike Kairouan, it remained in ruins afterwards and was never revived. The site was pillaged over time. Modern archaeological excavations here began in 1921.

Cairo was established by the fourth Fatimid caliph, al-Mu'izz, in 359 AH/970 CE and remained the capital of the Fatimid caliphate for the duration of the dynasty. The city was officially named al-Qahirah al-Mu'izziyya, which can be translated as the "Victorious City of al-Mu'izz", known afterward simply as al-Qahira and giving us the modern English name "Cairo". Cairo can thus be considered the capital of Fatimid cultural production. Though the original Fatimid palace complex, including administrative buildings and royal residents, no longer exists, modern scholars can glean a good idea of the original structure based on the Mamluk-era account of al-Maqrizi. Perhaps the most important of Fatimid monuments outside the palace complex is the mosque of al-Azhar (359–61 AH/970–72 CE) which still stands today, though the building was significantly expanded and modified in later periods. Likewise, the important Fatimid mosque of al-Hakim, built from 380 to 403 AH/990–1012 CE under two Fatimid caliphs, was significantly rebuilt and renovated in the 1980s. Cairo remained the capital for, including al-Mu'izz, eleven generations of caliphs, after which the Fatimid Caliphate finally fell to Ayyubid forces in 567 AH/1171 CE.

The Fatimids were known for their exquisite arts. The Fatimid period is important in the history of Islamic art and architecture as it is one of the earliest Islamic dynasties for which enough materials survive for a detailed study of their evolution. The stylistic diversity of Fatimid art was also a reflection of the wider cultural environment of the Mediterranean world at this time. The most notable characteristics of their decorative arts are the use of lively figurative motifs and the use of an angular, floriated Kufic script for Arabic inscriptions. Among the best-known art forms that flourished are a type of ceramic lustreware and the crafting of objects carved in solid rock crystal. The dynasty also sponsored the production of linen textiles and a tiraz workshop. A vast collection of different luxury objects once existed within the caliph's palaces, but few examples of them have survived to the present day.

Many traces of Fatimid architecture exist in both Egypt and Tunisia, particularly in the former capitals of Mahdia (al-Mahdiyya) and Cairo (al-Qahira). At Mahdia, the most important surviving monument is Great Mosque. In Cairo, prominent examples include the Al-Azhar Mosque and the Al-Hakim Mosque, as well as the smaller monuments of al-Aqmar Mosque, the Mashhad of Sayyida Ruqayya, and the Mosque of al-Salih Tala'i. Al-Azhar Mosque, which was also a centre of learning and teaching known today as al-Azhar University, was named in honour of Fatimah (the daughter of Muhammad from whom the Fatimids claimed descent), who was called Az-Zahra (the brilliant). There were two main Fatimid palaces in Cairo, covering a huge area around Bayn al-Qasrayn, near Khan el-Khalili. Parts of the city walls constructed by Badr al-Jamali—most notably three of its gates—also survive.

The caliphs were buried in a mausoleum known as Turbat az-Za'faraan ("the Saffron Tomb"), located at the southern end of the eastern Fatimid palace in Cairo on the site now occupied by the Khan el-Khalili market. The remains of the early Fatimid caliphs in Ifriqiya were also transferred here when al-Mu'izz moved his capital to Cairo. However, the mausoleum was completely demolished by the Mamluk amir Jaharkas al-Khalili in 1385 to make way for the construction of a new merchant building (which gave its name to the present-day market). During the demolition, Jaharkas reportedly desecrated the bones of the Fatimid royal family by having them dumped into the rubbish hills east of the city.